Kisan Andolan

From Jatland Wiki
Jump to: navigation, search
Author of this article is Laxman Burdak लक्ष्मण बुरड़क

Kisan Andolan (किसान आन्दोलन) or Farmers' movements have been used by farmers as tools to get their grievances redressed not only in India but other countries in the world also. The farmers in India had to undergo great struggle in all the states to get rid of exploitation by the Jagirdars and zamindars. Some of the movements were successful but some failed. The farmer movements in 1907 under the leadership of Sardar Ajit Singh and in 1921 under Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel were a grand success but the farmers were subjected to great sufferings in Chauri Chaura, Avadh and Mopla farmer movements. [1]

Contents

The global level movements

At the global level the French Revolution had changed the course of history. Since then it was the working class which became the vanguard of revolution in Europe. But when during the first half of the 20th century, national liberation struggles started against colonisation, there was very little industry in the colonies and their working class, if it existed at all, was still in infancy. So the impetus for these struggles had to come from somewhere else. It was Mao's peasant revolution in China which became a role model for national liberation movements in many a colony, including India.


Farmer movements in Punjab

It was in Punjab that India's first farmers’ movement emerged. The role played by Ghadar party, led by Raja Mahendra Pratap, in the political awakening of India was an important step. The Sikhs of Punjab were the first to migrate to the United States and Canada in the 19th century. They financed and helped the formation of Ghadar party which when gave the call to Indians abroad to return home and fight British imperialism, had its call immediately heeded to. The majority of those who did return, 8000 of them comprised Punjab's Sikhs. Despite its apparent failure, the Ghadar Movement was to have a powerful impact on Punjab politics and especially on the peasants. It established a tradition of militant and secular anti-imperialism, enriched in subsequent years by social radicalism, which was to continue to inspire subsequent generations.

The peasant conferences were held in Lahore, Faislabad, Lyallpur and other places of West Punjab -- the most famous of them being 1938-39 Long Morcha in Lahore when peasants from all over Punjab courted arrests for nine months in front of the assembly building.

The slogan of Pagri Sambhal O jatta (Hold your head high, O peasant) was first raised at a mass gathering in Lyallpur in 1907. Ten Thousand people -- the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs alike -- attended this gathering.


Farmers’ movements in Haryana

Swami Indravesh Ji

Haryana was part of Punjab until 1 November 1966 when Punjab was bifurcated into 3 states: Himachal Pradesh, Punjab and Haryana.


In 1973, the Indira Gandhi government at the Centre announced official procurement price for wheat at Rs. 76. Swamy Indravesh established a "Kisan Sangharsh Samiti" which comprised Chaudhary Devi Lal, Prakash Singh Badal and some leaders from UP. The centre of this movement was made Karnal so that kisans from Punjab could also participate it in a big way. Thousands of farmers from Haryana, Punjab and UP started agitations in Karnal and went to jail. In April 1973, Swami Indravesh started his hunger strike at Boat Club, New Delhi, which lasted for 18 days. Ultimately, the government had to agree to raise the support price of wheat to Rs. 105. This movement was unprecedented and later, due to its great success, farmers in Uttar Pradesh started several movements under the leadership of Ch. Mahendra Singh Tikait.

Farmers’ movements in Gujarat

Mahatma Gandhi had led two great revolts of communities of poor Indian farmers against the tyranny of the British government and allied landlords in Champaran, Bihar, and Kheda, Gujarat. Success in both struggles had helped win the farmers economic and civil rights, and electrified India's people.

In 1920, the Indian National Congress under Gandhi's leadership launched the Non-Cooperation Movement. Millions of Indians revolted against the British, boycotting the courts, government services, schools and disavowing titles, pensions and British clothes and goods. The freedom fighters, known as Satyagrahis, peacefully protested authoritarian British laws, and called for India's independence. Many thousands were beaten, tortured and arrested.

Bardoli Satyagraha

Bardoli Satyagraha of 1925 in the state of Gujarat, India during the British Raj was a major episode of civil disobedience and revolt in the Indian Independence Movement.

In 1925, the taluka of Bardoli in Gujarat suffered from floods and famine, which hurt the crop produce, leaving farmers facing great financial troubles. However, the Government of the Bombay Presidency had raised the tax rate by 30% that year, and despite petitions from civic groups, refused to cancel the rise in face of the calamities. The situation for the farmers was grave enough, that they barely had enough property and crops to pay-off the tax, let alone for feeding themselves afterwards.

The Gujarati activists Narhari Parikh, Ravi Shankar Vyas and Mohanlal Pandya talked to village chieftains and farmers, and solicited the help of Gujarat's most prominent freedom fighter, Vallabhbhai Patel. Patel had previously guided Gujarat's farmers during the Kheda struggle, and had served recently as Ahmedabad's municipal president. He was widely respected by common Gujaratis across the state. Patel and Gandhi decided that the struggle be left entirely to the people of Bardoli taluka.

Governor of Bombay ignored the request made by Patel to reduce taxes but reciprocated by announcing the date of collection. Patel instructed all the farmers of Bardoli taluka to refuse payment of their taxes. Aided by Parikh, Vyas and Pandya, he divided Bardoli into several zones - each with a leader and volunteers specifically assigned. Patel also placed some Gujarati activists close to the government, to act as informers on the movements of government officials. Patel instructed the farmers to remain completely non-violent, and not respond physically to any incitements or aggressive actions from officials. He reassured them that the struggle would not end until not only the cancellation of all taxes for the year, but also when all the seized property and lands were returned to rightful owners.

The Government declared that it would crush the revolt. Along with tax inspectors, bands of Pathans were gathered from northwest India to forcibly seize the property of the villagers and terrorize them. The Pathans and the men of the collectors forced themselves into the houses, took all property, including cattle.

The government began to auction the houses and the lands. But not a single man from Gujarat or anywhere else in India came forward to buy them. Patel had appointed volunteers in every village to keep watch. As soon as he sighted the officials who were coming to auction the property, the volunteer would sound his bugle. The farmers would leave the village and hide in the jungles. The officials would find the entire village empty. They could never find out who owned a particular house.

Members of the legislative councils of Bombay and across India were angered by the terrible treatment of the protesting farmers. Indian members resigned their offices, and expressed open support of the farmers. Even many in the Raj’s offices heavily criticized the Government.

In 1928, an agreement was finally brokered by a Parsi member of the Bombay government. The Government agreed to restore the confiscated lands and properties, as well as cancel revenue payment not only for the year, but cancel the 30% raise until after the succeeding year.

While Patel credited Gandhi's teachings and the farmers' undying resolve, people across the nation recognized his vital leadership. Gandhi and his fellow satyagrahis called him Sardar for the first time, which in Gujarati and most Indian languages means Chief or Leader. It was after Bardoli, that Sardar Patel became one of India's most important leaders.

Farmer movements in Rajasthan

Rajasthan is known as the land of kings and palaces and whose history is replete with encomium of their kings, the land known for “Sati”, the land known for its vast tracts of deserts was witness to a history in making, the successful agitation of farmers and peasants for their right to livelihood.

The twenty-two princely states of erstwhile Rajputana state did not form a common political collectivity which can be termed as a unified political action model. Each state had its own territorial area, which was exclusive politically in that it had its separate administration nag and army. Each state retained its cultural and linguistic distinctiveness. Political authority varied from ruler to ruler depending upon the terms of contract or covenant with the paramount power dating back to the period of subsidiary alliance of Lord Wellesley. Obviously in a state like this, the freedom movement was bound to be divided and segmented, depending upon the degree of unity and cohesiveness among political players in each state. The two states of Jaipur and Jodhpur provided differential patterns of political movements. [2]

Justice Kan Singh Parihar , the retired Judge of High Court of Rajasthan, has written about exploitation of farmers by Jagirdars prior to Independence as under:

“Every thing that the Kisan had, never treated as his own. In Jagir areas all cultivators were really landless. There was no tenancy law and one could be thrown away from the land one cultivated at the pleasure of Jagirdar, his "malik". In most of the Jagirs a Jagirdar would in the first instance be taking fifty percent of the produce. This would be taken by actual division of the produce on the thrashing floor or by appraisal of the standing crop (kunta). Then over and above the share of the produce the Kisan had to pay numerous "lags" or cesses.

Together with the share of the produce known as "Hasil" these cesses meant that the Kisans had to part with more than eighty percent of their produce. The findings of the Sukhdeonarain Committee in the years 1940-42 bear this out. If a Kisan had to marry his daughter he had to pay "Chavri Lag" if he held a dinner then a "Kansa Lag"; if members of the family separated then "Dhunwa Lag" and so on. If the Jagirdar had a guest then fodder for his mount had to be supplied. Then there was "begar" that is forced labour, for tilling the personal lands of the Jagirdar. The homestead in which the Kisan lived in the Abadi had to be vacated in case he ceased cultivating the land. He could not alienate the plot to anyone.” [3]

Shri Kan Singh Parihar played a great role in drafting and enactment of Marwar Tenancy Act. 1949 and Marwar Land Revenue Act. 1949. Shri Parihar's idea of fixing all tenants in cultivatory possession as Khatedars thus making all of them almost the proprietors of all their fields, wells etc. without paying any premium or compensation and further being relieved from paying any lag bag (Cesses) etc.. This Marwar Tenancy Act. 1949 and Marwar Land Revenue Act. 1949 became a role model for the Rajasthan Assembly in 1955 and similar laws were passed based on these Acts thus the farmers of Rajasthan greatly benefited due to these laws.

Shekhawati farmers’ movement

See Shekhawati Kisan Andolan for content in Hindi

The farmers of the Sekhawati region are considered to be the most advanced in the state of Rajasthan. The Shekhawati region has the highest literacy in the state. The most dominating farmer community in the rural areas of Shekhawati is Jat. The Jats are politically and economically very sound. The major land holdings in the present times are with Jats. Then comes the Rajput community who were the jagirdars before independence. The farmers of the region have done great struggle to come to the present status. [4]

Before independence the conditions of the farmers were worst. The farmers of the Shekhawati region were exploited and oppressed by the Jagirdars during British Raj. They were deprived of fundamental rights. They were given inhuman treatment when the Jagirdars did not get cesses known as lāg (tax) or begār (unpaid work) in time, they were given hard punishments and their crop used to be destroyed. There were 37 kinds of begārs (work without pay) prevalent in Shekhawati. A newly married bride was forced to go first to Jagirdar. [1]

The Shekhawati Jat farmers’ movement had its genesis in the Jat Praja Pati Maha-Yagna a socio-religious festival held in January, 1934. It lasted ten days and was the biggest of its kind in Rajputana. It facilitated a widespread involvement of Jats in a community festival. Each Jat household attending it was to contribute some cash and an unspecified quantity of ghee. A total of two hundred maunds of ghee were used in the sacrificial flame. The function concluded with a triumphal elephant ride hitherto prohibited by the rules of Sikar Thikana. The success of this movement encouraged the Jats to hold more meetings on local levels and print literature to glorify Jat history. The Yagna became a dominant symbol of folklore which glorified it as the beginning of an anti-feudal struggle. The peasants demanded remissions in taxes and finally a Jat-Sikar Thikana Agreement was signed on August 23, 1934, by which the Thikana authorities conceded to abolish various lags (taxes) and agreed to provide for a mobile dispensary. The following year, the Kisan Sabha formally came into existence and under its aegis the famous Sikar Andolan of 1935 was launched. With outside mediation efforts of Jamnalal Bajaj, Sir Chhotu Ram - a renowned Jat leader of Punjab and Ratan Singh of All India Jat Mahasabha, a settlement was arrived at and the Jats were promised remissions of rent, abolition of internal cesses and an introduction of fixed rent tenure. The Jats were also promised equal opportunities in Thikana administration and were permitted to ride elephants and horses and to construct schools for their children. The formation of a Jat Kisan Panchayat was officially sanctioned and the right to agitate for redressal of grievances in non-Khalsa areas was conceded. Much however, could not be made out of these agreements for two reasons. First, the subordinate Thikanedars of Sikar did not fully cooperate with Sikar authorities to ensure compliance with the terms of these agreements. Secondly, the beginning of settlement operations and reform of revenue administration was a time-consuming process which entailed enormous delay. This was interpreted by the Jats as a breach of agreement and hence, they indulged in acts of disorder and violence, which were perceived by Thikana authorities as signs of bad faith. In the meanwhile two unsavoury incidents led to a termination of agreements. The first, occurred at Khudi village, where the sight of Jat bridegroom riding a horse incensed the local Rajputs and the two sides readied themselves for an armed combat. The state authorities asked the two parties to disperse but the Jats refused. The state police charged and in the melee that followed, several people were injured. The second incident took place at Kudan village, where about one hundred armed Jats attacked Sikar revenue officials. The police fired upon the armed mob, which resulted in several casualties and injuries. A total of 104 Jats were arrested. [2] [5]

Farmers of the Shekhawati, mainly the Jats, united against oppression of Jagirdars by forming ‘Sikar Jat-Kisan-Panchayat’ and stopped giving "lags" or cesses to the Jagirdards. The ‘Jaipur Praja-Mandal’ also supported the Shekhawati farmers’ movement against abolition of Jagirdari system. The leaders of ‘Bijoria-Kisan-Movement’ of 1922, 1931, and 1932 supported the movement of Shekhawati farmers. [6]The Jagirdars tried to suppress the movement in many ways. Many farmers were killed and a large number were sent to jail. A Jat farmer was beaten to death in the market of Sikar town; his dead body was thrown and insulted. This movement got support from famous Kisan leaders like, Baldev Ram Mirdha, Nathuram Mirdha and Kumbharam Arya. After a long struggle the farmers got rid of oppression and got the ownership right over the land they were cultivating. [1]

The leading Jat farmers of Shekhawati region, who played important role in the movement for abolition of the Jagirdari system, were: [1]

List of Freedom fighters of Shekhawati

List of Freedom fighters from Sikar district:


List of Freedom fighters from Jhunjhunu district:

List of Freedom fighters from other districts: Shekhawati farmers’ movement against abolition of Jagirs got great support from outside Kisan leaders like:

Marwar farmers’ movement

The farmers of the Marwar region are considered to be the most simple in the state of Rajasthan. The most dominating farmer community in the rural areas of Marwar is Jat. The Jats are politically and economically very sound. The major land holdings in the present times are with Jats.

Though the position of Kisān (farmer) in what was Khālsā (under the direct control of the state) was better in comparison to a Kisan of the Jagir areas, he was only a little above a beast of burden. In Jagir areas of Marwar state before independence all cultivators were really landless. There was no tenancy Law and one could be thrown away from the land one cultivated at the pleasure of Jagirdar, his "malik". In most of the Jagirs a Jagirdar would in the first instance be taking fifty percent of the produce. This would be taken by actual division of the produce on the thrashing floor or by appraisal of the standing crop (kuntā). The latter method proved at times more onerous as the appraisal depended on the whims of the Kāmdār. Then over and above the share of the produce the farmer had to pay numerous "lags" or cesses. There were 64 kinds of begars (work without pay) prevalent in Marwar. Then the bigger Jagirdars had judicial powers including magisterial powers. Further they had their own police force besides the revenue staff. This enabled them to keep their stronghold on the farmers. Over and above this policy of divide and rule was fully practiced. By offering the temptation of giving better land for cultivation one farmer would be set against another. There were no schools worth the name in rural areas and the masses were steeped in ignorance.

The oppression of the public by traditional Samantas (chiefs) and Jagirdars (feudatories) of Marwar state made their life difficult, which led to a class war. In urban areas, Jaynarayan Vyas started agitation against oppression, under the banner of "Marwar Lok Parishad" founded on 16th May 1938. This movement was supported by National Congress. The persons who played important role in "Marwar Lok Parishad" were: Shiv Dayal Dave and Jorawar Singh Oswal of Nagaur, Rajpurohit Manji Jagarwal of (Bagra,Jalore), Kishanlal Sahu, Manak Chand Konari and Sari Mal of Kuchaman City, Tulsiram of Didwana, Srikishan Pandit of Kolia and Sukhdev Dipankar of Ladnu.

Rural masses of Marwar were united by Kisan Kesari-Baldev Ram Mirdha under the banner of "Marwar Kisan Sabha" founded in 1940. After the formation of Rajasthan, Baldev Ram Mirdha who had by then retired from Government service formed the "Rajathan Kisan Sabha" and unified the Kisāns of Rajasthan under its banner. He was its first president. Since the broad objectives of the Kisān Sabhā and the congress were identical the congress leaders approached Baldev Ram Mirdha to unite the Rajasthan Kisān Sabhā with the Congress. Baldev Ram Mirdha was a visionary and he realized that the two could not and should not remain separate. Therefore, he just made one demand from the national leaders that the Jagirs be abolished forthwith in Rajasthan. This was agreed to by the Congress high command with the result that the Jagirs were soon abolished. A tenancy law was passed and the cultivating farmers were made the owners of the land.

List of Freedom fighters from Barmer district:

List of Freedom fighters from Jaisalmer district:

List of Freedom fighters from Jodhpur district:

List of Freedom fighters from Nagaur district:

Gharsana farmers' movement

The tehsil town of Gharsana and the neighbouring Raola in Sriganganagar district of Rajasthan is currently site of clashes between the police and the farmers agitating for irrigation water. The farmers, and their leaders who led the agitation under the banner of Kisan Mazdoor Vyapari Sangarsh Samiti, were either nursing their injured or in hiding. About 20 injured have been admitted to the Gharsana hospital and the district hospital in Sriganganagar. The authorities said curfew was clamped in Raola as a precautionary measure as in the previous agitation by the farmers on the same issue in October-November 2004 both Raola and Gharsana had witnessed serious violence. [7]


Earlier in in October 2004, Defying prohibitory orders, hundreds of farmers had gheraoed the SDM’s office at Gharsana town in Sriganganagar district, reviving their agitation for irrigation water after the October 27, police firing which claimed five lives. With a view to appeasing the agitating farmers, the Vasundhara Raje Government ordered the removed of the Divisional Commissioner of the region, Mr Ramavtar Raghuvanshi, and Superintendent of Police, Mr Sunil Dutt, while two officers of the Rajasthan Administrative Service, Mr Indra Singh Rao and Mr Hitesh Kumar, have been placed under suspension.[8] The farmers' agitation led the Government to impose curfew in July 2005 also. [9]


Farmers of Gharsana, at Ganganagar in Rajasthan, are on path of confrontation with the BJP government for the release of water from Pong Dam to the Phase I areas of Indira Gandhi Canal, the lifeline of farmers in the Gharsana-Raola agriculture belt. At a juncture when India is importing wheat from other countries, the state government is dissuading farmers in the region from cultivating wheat during the rabi season. The farmers have been told to sow barley or mustard, rather than wheat, which is a water-intensive crop. The movement has gained momentum with the Kisan Mazdoor Vyapari Sangharsh Samiti, the committee of farmers, labourers and agro-traders of the region deciding to go ahead with sowing wheat. The strife over water has seen the peasants and the state administration clash often in the past three years. Seven farmers were killed and many were injured when police fired at protesters in 2004. [10]


An Article by Swami Omanand Saraswati

राजस्थान के किसान आन्दोलन के शहीद
लेखक - ओमानन्द सरस्वती (आचार्य भगवान् देव)


सभी रजवाड़ों में राजे महाराजे और बड़े जागीरदारों व जमींदारों की ओर से प्रजा और किसानों पर बड़े अत्याचार होते थे । शासकों के अत्याचार से पीड़ित होकर प्रजा "त्राहि माम्" करती थी । राजस्थान के बहुत से ठिकानों में तो बहुत ही बुरी अवस्था थी । जयपुर राज्य के शेखावाटी प्रान्त में सीकर और खेतड़ी के पाँच-सौ-पाँच ग्रामों के दो बड़े-बड़े ठिकाने माने जाते हैं । इनके अन्तर्गत भी छोटे-छोटे ठिकाने विद्यमान हैं । खेती करने वाले लोग इन ठिकानों में अधिकतर जाट ही हैं । वहाँ के जाट ठाकुरों के आगे खाट पर नहीं बैठ सकते थे, घोड़े, ऊंट आदि की सवारी नहीं कर सकते थे । स्त्रियाँ आभूषण नहीं पहन सकतीं थीं । ठाकुरों का जाटों तथा अहीरों के साथ सारे राजस्थान में ऐसा व्यवहार था जैसा कि अन्य प्रान्तों में जा‍ट अहीरादि अछूत वर्गों के साथ करते थे । मुझे ग्राम कंवरपुरा के निवासी चौ. रामसिंह जी मिले । वह अपने नाम के साथ ठाकुर रामसिंह लिखते हैं । यह पुराने आर्यसमाजी सज्जन हैं । मैंने इनसे पूछा आप जाट होकर अपने नाम के साथ ठाकुर क्यों लगाते हैं ? उसने बताया इस प्रकार का साहस हमारे अन्दर आर्यसमाज की कृपा से आया है क्योंकि ठाकुर लोग मुझे रामसिंह के स्थान पर रामूड़ा कहते थे । रामसिंह नाम के साथ सिंह को देखकर जलते थे इसलिए उनको जलाने के लिए मैंने ठाकुर और लगाना आरम्भ कर दिया ।


शेखावटी के इलाके में पहले-पहल आर्यसमाज का प्रचार हुआ था । फिर वह जाट सभा तथा आगे चलकर किसान सभा के रूप में बदल गया । ढाणी जैतपुरा के महाशय जीवनराम जी आर्यसमाज के पुराने भजनोपदेशक हैं जिन्होंने सारा जीवन ही आर्यसमाज के प्रचार में लगाया । उन्होंने बीकानेर और शेखावटी में आर्यसमाज का खूब प्रचार किया । इनके पुत्र मोहरसिंह जी आज राजस्थान असेम्बली के मेम्बर हैं । यह भी उपदेशक के रूप में बहुत दिनों तक आर्यसमाज का अवैतनिक प्रचार करते रहे हैं । बहुत अच्छे उपदेशक हैं जो आजकल किसान सभा का ही कार्य करते हैं । मानसिंह आर्य वनगोठड़ी निवासी ने भी उधर आर्यसमाज का अच्छा प्रचार किया । पन्नासिंह सुपुत्र जालूराम देवरोड के निवासी ने भी पिलानी और शेखावटी में आर्यसमाज का अच्छा प्रचार किया । यह सदैव अपने साथ सत्यार्थप्रकाश रखते थे । चौ. रामसिंह कंवरपुरा के भाई लेफ्टीनेंट पैन्शनर कट्टर आर्यसमाजी हैं, कोई नशा नहीं करते । यह फौज में भी सत्यार्थप्रकाश आदि धार्मिक पुस्तकें रखते थे । इनकी पुस्तकें पकड़ी जाने पर इनकी प्रोमोशन (प्रोन्नति) रोक दी गई थी । इन्होंने भी पंजाब में जब हिन्दी सत्याग्रह हुआ तो अपना फार्म भर कर भेजा ।


पं० कालूराम जी ने जिन्होंने महर्षि जी के दर्शन भी किये थे, सेठों के रामगढ़ में वि. सं. १९६० में आर्यसमाज की स्थापना की थी । वि. सं. १९९२ में आर्यसमाज पिलानी में चौ. छोटूराम जी आये थे । उन्होंने भी जागीरदारों के अत्याचारों को दूर करने के लिए लाम्बा गोठड़ा, सीकर आदि स्थानों में सभा की । ठाकुर देशराज ने भी सीकर और शेखावाटी में १९८८ के बाद अच्छी जागृति की । ठा० रत्नसिंह ने भी अच्छी सेवायें कीं । मा० रत्नसिंह जी, जो पिलानी में रहते थे, उन्होंने भी खूब घूम-घूम कर प्रचार किया । चौ. निहालसिंह तक्षक ने भी इस इलाके में अच्छा कार्य किया । शेखावाटी में सौ से अधिक पाठशालायें इन्हीं के प्रयत्न से खुलीं जिससे शिक्षा का प्रचार हुआ । पिलानी, झुन्झनूं, भादरां आदि में जाट बोर्डिंग हाउस खोले गए । संगरिया में स्वामी केशवानन्द जी ने बड़ा प्रचार किया । सेठ छाजूराम और जुगलकिशोर बिड़ला ने भी पाठशालायें खोलकर इस जागृति में भाग लिया । प्रारम्भ में जितने यह कार्य हुए उनके कर्त्ता धर्त्ता आर्यसमाजी ही थे । चौ. रामसिंह आर्य ने इन कामों में बढ़ चढ़ कर भाग लिया । सेठ ज्वालाप्रसाद गोयनका ने भी इन पददलित लोगों को उठाने का अच्छा प्रयत्न किया । आरम्भ में जब इस इलाके में आर्यसमाज का प्रचार हुआ और जाट आदि किसानों ने जनेऊ लिये तो राजपूत, ब्राह्मण आदि ने इसका विरोध किया । सेना में एक जाट युवक भागीरथ सिंह नाम का था । वह राजपूताना रायफल में था । उसमें सूबेदार मोहनसिंह और मेयसिंह थे, इन्होंने बड़ा शोर मचाया और भागीरथसिंह के स्थान पर भागीरथराम नाम रख दिया । यह बटालियन आर्डर निकालकर ऐसा काम किया गया । यह घटना वि. सं. १९३९ की है ।


आर्यसमाज ने सबको वीर और साहसी बनाया था । बस, फिर क्या था, इस अन्याय का प्रतीकार करने के लिए पुष्कर, झुंझनूं, बगड़ आदि में जाट महासभायें की गईं । उस समय जाट महासभाओं में भी यज्ञ हवन होते थे और सबको जनेऊ दिये जाते थे । जाट बोर्डिंग हाउस में सब विद्यार्थियों को जनेऊ देकर प्रविष्ट किया जाता था । एक प्रकार से सभी संस्थाओं पर आर्यसमाज की छाप थी । मण्डावे में भी सेठ देवीवक्ष ने आर्यसमाज की स्थापना की थी । वह भी जाटों में आर्यसमाज का खूब प्रचार करते थे । वि. सं. १९९२ में सीकर में जाट महायज्ञ रचाया गया जिसमें १०१ मन घृत खर्च हुआ । वहां के दस हजार जाट आदि कृषकों ने जनेऊ लिये । श्री जगदेव सिंह सिद्धान्ती इसके ब्रह्मा थे । सीकर में हाथी पर जलूस निकालने का विचार था किन्तु वहां के ठाकुर लड़ने मरने के लिए तैयार हो गए और किसी जाट को हाथी पर नहीं चढ़ने दिया । फिर एक जन्म के ब्राह्मण आर्यसमाजी पण्डित को हाथी पर बैठाकर जुलूस निकाला गया ।


इस प्रकार के दुर्व्यवहार के कारण लोगों में आर्यसमाज के प्रचार के कारण कुछ वीरता के भाव आये और अत्याचारों के प्रतीकार की भावना भी जागृत हो गई । इसीलिये पहले जाट महासभा तथा किसान महासभा के रूप में किसानों का संगठन हुआ । इस प्रकार किसान आन्दोलन ने उग्र रूप धारण कर लिया । राजस्थान के जाटकुल के करनीराम ने भोजासर ग्राम जिला झुंझनू में जन्म लिया । वह शिक्षित होकर झुंझनू में वकालत करने लगे । गरीब किसानों से वकालत की फीस नहीं लेते थे । अपनी सेवाओं के कारण वह उदयपुरवाटी का गांधी कहलाता था । उदयपुरवाटी में इन्होंने चुनाव लड़ा था । जागीरदार देवीसिंह तलवार के बल पर इनसे जीत गया । उदयपुरवाटी के भूमियां किसानों से आधा भाग लेते थे । इस वाटी के किसान माली जाट और गूजर हैं । जब किसान आन्दोलन ने प्रबल रूप धारण कर लिया तो छठा भाग देना निश्चित किया । भूमियां लोगों ने नहीं लिया । किसान छठे से अधिक देना नहीं चाहते थे । करनीराम ने किसानों से मिलकर तिहाई भाग देने को कहा । इस पर दोनों ही तैयार हो गए । किन्तु जाट के पंच बनने और निर्णय करने पर राजपूतों को बड़ा दुःख हुआ । चौरा नाम के स्थान पर किसानों की पञ्चायत हुई । उदयपुर में दादू-पन्थी जमायत के पास ही करनीराम ठहरे थे । साधुओं के साथ होने के कारण उनका वे कुछ न बिगाड़ सके । किन्तु ठाकुरों ने करनीराम को कत्ल करने के लिए कुछ गुण्डों को दिखा दिया । ठाकुर भोपालपुर भूमियां इनका अगुवा था । अगले दिन चौरा नाम के स्थान पर फिर पंचायत हुई । किसान आये किन्तु भूमियां ठाकुर नहीं आये । रामफल गूजर की ढ़ाणी में करनीराम तथा उनके साले रामदेवसिंह युवक ठहरे हुए थे । ठाकुरों ने पुलिस थानेदार से मिलकर सब प्रबन्ध पहले ही कर लिया था । तीन घुड़सवार ठाकुर बन्दूक लेकर वहां पहुंच गये । इनमें भूपालसिंह का लड़का और एक सेवक भी था । करनीराम ने उनको आदरपूर्वक बैठने को सिराहना दिया, किन्तु ठाकुर ने उन्हें गधा कहकर पहले रामदेव को गोली मारी और नीचे उतरकर फिर करनीराम को गोली मरी । करनीराम तो एक ही गोली में समाप्त हो गये, रामदेव तीन गोली खाकर मरे । राजस्थान सरकार की पुलिस ने कुछ नहीं किया । उदयपुरवाटी का मामला केन्द्र की पुलिस सी.आर.पी. तक पहुंचाया गया । सरकार ने उदयपुरवाटी को अशान्त घोषित कर दिया । भूमियां ठाकुर सब घरबार छोड़कर चौरे के पहाड़ पर लड़ाई करने के लिए इकट्ठे हो गये । पुलिस ने मशीनगन आदि उनको उड़ाने के लिए लगा दी । ठाकुर भीमसिंह एम. एल. ए. ने जागीरदार भूमियों को समझाकर समझौते के लिए तैयार किया । अपराधी पीछे पकड़े गये, केस चला, और सजायें हुईं । लगान बन्दोबस्त के अनुसार हो गया । इन दो बलिदानों के पीछे अत्याचार घटे और आर्यसमाज द्वारा की हुई जागृति किसान आन्दोलन के रूप में सफल हुई । रामदेव जी का ग्राम ढ़ाणी गीलावाली उदयपुर में है । वे कांग्रेस के कार्यकर्ता थे । करनीराम का पालन-पोषण उनके मामा मोहनाराम ने अजाड़ी ग्राम में किया था । बाल्यकाल में उनके माता-पिता गुजर गये थे । करनीराम के पिता का नाम देवाराम था ।


इसी प्रकार एक नौजवान हनुमान ग्राम चनानकांड में जागीरदारों के अत्याचार से ठाकुरों की सभा में गोली से मारे गये । चौधरी टीकाराम हल चलाते हुए जयसिंहपुर के ठिकाणे डूँडलोद में मारे गये । यह संक्षेप में किसान आन्दोलन के शहीदों के विषय में लिखा गया है । विस्तार से लिखने के लिए न समय है और न स्थान ।


उद्धरण (Excerpts from): देशभक्तों के बलिदान

पृष्ठ - 317-320 (द्वितीय संस्करण, 2000 AD)

लेखक और सम्पादक - स्वामी ओमानन्द सरस्वती

प्रकाशक - हरयाणा साहित्य संस्थान, गुरुकुल झज्जर, जिला झज्जर (हरयाणा)

Dndeswal 01:31, 20 April 2009 (UTC)

Leaders of peasant movements

See also

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Dr Natthan Singh, Jat-Itihas, (Jat History), Jat Samaj Kalyan Parishad, F-13, Dr Rajendra Prasad Colony, Tansen marg, Gwalior, M.P, India 474 002 2004
  2. 2.0 2.1 Dr Vir Singh, The Jats- their role and contribution to the socio political life and Polity of North and north West India- Vol 2.Edited and com piled by Dr Vir Singh, ISBN 81-88629-51-0, distributed by D K Publishers, 4834 Ansari Road, New Delhi, web site www://dkpd.com.
  3. Justice Kan Singh Parihar, SOUVENIR-1998 of Parivar Parichay, page 47 , Published by – The souvenir sub committee of Parivar Parichay, 4/28, Lodi Colony, New Delhi – 110003,
  4. Princely States Report
  5. Princely States Report
  6. Princely States Report
  7. The Hindu; 18 October 2006
  8. Tribune India, 24 November 2004
  9. Tribune India, 20 July 2005
  10. the Statesmen:Rajasthan farmers gear up for showdown

External links

Further reading

  • Dr Mridula Mukherjee : Peasants in India's Non-Violent Revolution Practice and Theory, Published by Sage Publications, New Delhi, India
  • Sunhil Sahasrabudhey, Sunil Sahasraludhey: Peasant Movement in Modern India, Publisher: South Asia Books (03/01/1990) ISBN 81-85076-66-9
  • Brass, Tom (ed.), New Farmers' Movements in India, London: Frank Cass, 1995.
  • Dhanagare, D. N. Peasant Movements in India, 1920-1950. Delhi: 1983
  • Land Tenure and peasant in South Asia. New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1977
  • Ghosha, Aruna. Agrarian Structure and Peasant Movements in Colonial and Post-Colonial India (An Annotated Bibliography). Calcutta: K.P.Bagchi and Company, 1990
  • Guha, Ranajit. Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983
  • Peasant resistance in India, 1858-1914. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992
  • Henningham, Stephen. Peasant Movements in Colonial India, North Bihar, 1918-1942
  • Pandey, Gyanendra. "Peasant Revolt and Indian Nationalism: The Peasant Movement in Awadh, 1919-1922." in Subaltern Studies, I, Editor Ranajit Guha. ed rpt in Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1982
  • Government, Landlord and Peasant in India: Agrarian Relations under British Rule, 1865-1935. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlas, 1978
  • Stokes, Eric. The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978

Back to Jat Organizations