Raja Sarup Singh
Raja Sarup Singh (r.1837-d.26 Jan 1864) was Siddhu-Jat ruler of princely state of Jind in Haryana.
Contents
- 1 The ruling of the court of Directors
- 2 The revolt of Balawali
- 3 The installation of Raja Sarup Singh AD 1837
- 4 The revolt of Balawali
- 5 The esceat of Kythal and the action of Raja of Jhind
- 6 Jhind obtains a portion of the Kythal territory by exchange
- 7 The case of village of Bains
- 8 The action of the Raja of Jhind during the war of 1845-46
- 9 Services during the campaign of 1845-46
- 10 Sanad granted to the Raja after war
- 11 The second Sikh war of 1849
- 12 Jhind after the annexation of the Punjab
- 13 Revolt of border villages
- 14 The Raja’s energetic action
- 15 The mutiny of 1857
- 16 Raja Sarup Singh’s services in the field
- 17 His rewards by British Government
- 18 His salute and honorary title increased
- 19 Scattered Dadri villages in British territory surrendered
- 20 Exchange of Government lands for outlying Jhind lands
- 21 The Sanad of May 1860
- 22 The Sanad of adoption
- 23 His death
- 24 His nomination to the Star of India
- 25 Ragbhir Singh his successor
- 26 राजा सरूपसिंह
- 27 External links
- 28 References
The ruling of the court of Directors
Lepel H. Griffin writes: [1]
In November 1837, the Court of Directors, to whom the final arrangements regarding the Jhind succession had been referred, ruled that all portions of the territory which had been acquired since Gajpat Singh's time, otherwise than by grant from Ranjit Singh or from the British Government or its predecessors, might be considered to belong justly to the new Raja.
" If any portion" the despatch went on to say, “was acquired otherwise, as for instance by conquest, we cannot perceive on what grounds it can lapse to Government, such possessions, we should conceive, ought to pass to the next heir, Sarup Singh, as private property, under similar circumstances, would do ; and the fact that territory may so pass is proved by numerous instances ( produced by the agents of the four Phulkian Chiefs) where territory, not derived from the common ancestor, but acquired since his death, has passed to a collateral heir."*
This ruling did not affect the decision which had placed Sarup Singh in possession of all the territories held by the extinct Kour and Sahib Kour, especially, in many petitions dwelt upon their grievances, and those of the other Ranis.
Kour and Sahib Kour, especially, in many petitions dwelt upon their grievances, and those of the other Ranis. They complained that they were treated with the greatest harshness and indignity ; that the privacy of the female apartments was invaded ; and the old and faithful servants of the family expelled and their possessions confiscated. They begged that a fresh enquiry might be made into their claims, when the intrigues which had been practiced by the allied Rajas, and the injustice which had been done to helpless women, unable from their position to protect themselves, would be brought to light.*
The complaints of the Ranis had little foundation, their real object being the revival of their claims to the territory, which were inadmissible, and the Raja was only assured that the Governor General would be glad to hear that these ladies had no ground for complaint.†
The territory which the Government gained by escheat:
Of the territory acquired by the English as an escheat from Jhind, the district
of Ludhiana was the most important, yielding a revenue of about Rs. 85,000, the remaining acquisitions together yielding a like amount.
The installation of Raja Sarup Singh AD 1837:
Raja Sarup Singh was formally installed in the presence of all the Phulkian Chiefs and the British Agent, in April A. D. 1837.§ The long dispute regarding
* Two long petitions from Ranis Sahib Kour and Subha Kour of Jhind to Mr. Clerk, Political Agent, 23rd August 1837.
† Agent Governor General Dehli to Secretary to Government, dated 16th February 1838, and Secretary Government to Agent Governor General 3rd March 1838.
§ Letter of Governor General to Raja, dated 19th June, 1837, and Lieutenant Governor N. W. P. to Raja, 3lst July 1837.
the succession had not been without its evil effects on the more restless and turbulent of the Jhind people.
The revolt of Balawali
The Balawali ilaqua rose in rebellion early in 1836. The inhabitants of this place, situated near Bhatinda, about one hundred miles to the west of Ambala, had always been notorious for their wild and independent character, and it was they, who, in 1815, when Prince Partab Singh had fled from Hansi, under the pretense of supporting his claims, rebelled against the Jhind Government and were only reduced to obedience when Sir David Ochterlony had marched against them with a strong force. Under Jhind they had done exactly as they pleased, and had paid no revenue whatever ; but after the death of Raja Sangat Singh, the administration of Balawali came into the hands of the British Government, and the people were called upon to pay revenue. They had preferred what they seemed to consider a prescriptive right to a light assessment ; and, taking all the circumstance of the case into consideration, it was thought advisable to make only the most moderate demand from them. But this did not satisfy them. They attacked Mr. Edgeworth, when passing through their country, possibly at the instigation of the Akalis who resorted to Gurusar, a sacred place of pilgrimage of the Sikhs in their immediate neighbourhood, and then rose in revolt, apparently believing that their wild and barren country would secure them from any attack by British troops, whom the authorities would be unwilling to move into camp at the commencement of the hot season.
The leaders of the rebellion:
The leader of the insurrection was Gulab Singh, Gil, a resident of Balawali, formerly a Risaldar in the Jhind
army ; and a large number of Jhind troopers joined the insurgents. These soldiers should long before have been paid up and dismissed, and this course was urged upon Mai Sahib Kour, in September 1835, when Regent ; but she refused to take action in the matter, and the consequence was that the country was filled with discontented men, half starving and with no means of subsistence save violence and robbery. The insurrection was encouraged by Mai Sul Rai, widow of Prince Partab Singh, whose brother Dal Singh was one of its leaders ; and the inhabitants of the Bhai-Chakian villages also lent their assistance. Great efforts were made by the insurgents to bring over to their side the Maharajkian Sikhs, as turbulent and independent as those of Balawali, but they were too cautious to join in what they considered a hopeless undertaking. The insurrection was of short duration, for the rebels had no place of any strength in their possession. The fort of Balawali, which was of burnt brick laid in mud, had never been of much strength and it had not been repaired since the refractory zamindars were expelled from it in 1815. On the night of the 17th of March, the rebels surprised it and the Thannah, but a strong body of troops was sent against them and completely routed them. Dal Singh, Lukha Singh and Mai Sul Rai were taken prisoners Gulab Singh was killed in action, and Desu Singh, another of the leaders, stabbed himself when about to be apprehended. A number of prisoners were taken and sent to Ambala for trial, and a detachment was stationed at Balawali and retained there until tranquility was completely restored.*
* Assistant Political Agent to Mr. Clerk, 19th March. Mr. Clerk to Agent Governor General Dehli, 20th March, 9th May, and 8th of July.
The installation of Raja Sarup Singh AD 1837
Raja Sarup Singh was formally installed in the presence of all the Phulkian Chiefs and the British Agent, in April A. D. 1837.§ The long dispute regarding
* Two long petitions from Ranis Sahib Kour and Subha Kour of Jhind to Mr. Clerk, Political Agent, 23rd August 1837.
† Agent Governor General Dehli to Secretary to Government, dated 16th February 1838, and Secretary Government to Agent Governor General 3rd March 1838.
§ Letter of Governor General to Raja, dated 19th June, 1837, and Lieutenant Governor N. W. P. to Raja, 3lst July 1837.
the succession had not been without its evil effects on the more restless and turbulent of the Jhind people.
The revolt of Balawali
The Balawali ilaqua rose in rebellion early in 1836. The inhabitants of this place, situated near Bhatinda, about one hundred miles to the west of Ambala, had always been notorious for their wild and independent character, and it was they, who, in 1815, when Prince Partab Singh had fled from Hansi, under the pretense of supporting his claims, rebelled against the Jhind Government and were only reduced to obedience when Sir David Ochterlony had marched against them with a strong force. Under Jhind they had done exactly as they pleased, and had paid no revenue whatever ; but after the death of Raja Sangat Singh, the administration of Balawali came into the hands of the British Government, and the people were called upon to pay revenue. They had preferred what they seemed to consider a prescriptive right to a light assessment ; and, taking all the circumstance of the case into consideration, it was thought advisable to make only the most moderate demand from them. But this did not satisfy them. They attacked Mr. Edgeworth, when passing through their country, possibly at the instigation of the Akalis who resorted to Gurusar, a sacred place of pilgrimage of the Sikhs in their immediate neighbourhood, and then rose in revolt, apparently believing that their wild and barren country would secure them from any attack by British troops, whom the authorities would be unwilling to move into camp at the commencement of the hot season.
The leaders of the rebellion:
The leader of the insurrection was Gulab Singh, Gil, a resident of Balawali, formerly a Risaldar in the Jhind
army ; and a large number of Jhind troopers joined the insurgents. These soldiers should long before have been paid up and dismissed, and this course was urged upon Mai Sahib Kour, in September 1835, when Regent ; but she refused to take action in the matter, and the consequence was that the country was filled with discontented men, half starving and with no means of subsistence save violence and robbery. The insurrection was encouraged by Mai Sul Rai, widow of Prince Partab Singh, whose brother Dal Singh was one of its leaders ; and the inhabitants of the Bhai-Chakian villages also lent their assistance. Great efforts were made by the insurgents to bring over to their side the Maharajkian Sikhs, as turbulent and independent as those of Balawali, but they were too cautious to join in what they considered a hopeless undertaking. The insurrection was of short duration, for the rebels had no place of any strength in their possession. The fort of Balawali, which was of burnt brick laid in mud, had never been of much strength and it had not been repaired since the refractory zamindars were expelled from it in 1815. On the night of the 17th of March, the rebels surprised it and the Thannah, but a strong body of troops was sent against them and completely routed them. Dal Singh, Lukha Singh and Mai Sul Rai were taken prisoners Gulab Singh was killed in action, and Desu Singh, another of the leaders, stabbed himself when about to be apprehended. A number of prisoners were taken and sent to Ambala for trial, and a detachment was stationed at Balawali and retained there until tranquility was completely restored.*
* Assistant Political Agent to Mr. Clerk, 19th March. Mr. Clerk to Agent Governor General Dehli, 20th March, 9th May, and 8th of July.
The esceat of Kythal and the action of Raja of Jhind
Raja Sarup Singh did not abandon hope of obtaining the whole of the possessions which had been held by his predecessors, and several times addressed the Government without success. The escheat of Kythal, in March 1843, furnished him with another argument, for although the lapse of this territory was made on the principle which had regulated the Jhind succession, viz., that a collateral descendant should inherit so much only of the territory as was possessed by the ancestor from whom he derived his claim ; yet, on a former occasion, the Kakrila estate, which was a portion of Kythal, had been allowed to pass collaterally without regard to any such considerations : and, accordingly, both Raja Sarup Singh and Maharaja Karam Singh of Pattiala tried their best to obtain a recognition of the full right of succession of the second cousin of the late Bhai of Kythal, believing that if this were once allowed, the right of Sarup Singh to the whole of the Jhind territory would be likewise admitted.* In this expectation, however, they were disappointed. The Government had made in the Jhind succession case quite as many concessions as they considered just, and on the same principle Kythal was resumed. The three Phulkian Rajas intrigued against this decision as long as was possible, and their sympathy and secret advice encouraged a rebellion at Kythal, which was only put down after some bloodshed. Yet, when the insurrection had fairly broken out, they gave every assistance in suppressing it, and
1886. Agent Governor General Dehli to Political Agent, 6th July 1837. Mr. Clerk to Sir C. Metcalfe, 10th November 1835.
* Maharaja Karam Singh to Agent Governor General, 29th September 1844, Raja Sarup Singh to Agent Governor General, 5th October 1844.
their troops captured and dispersed several parties of the rebels.*
Jhind obtains a portion of the Kythal territory by exchange
Of the resumed Kythal territory, a pargannah, Mahala Gabda, was given to the Raja of Jhind, in exchange for a portion of Sufidon, the former consisting of 23 villages, worth Rs. 30,042 a year, and the latter consisting of 38 villages, worth Rs 33,380. The difference was calculated on the eventual lapse of rent-free lands, the quality of soil and the depth of water, in which particulars Mahala was more fortunate than Sufidon. The village of Sufidon itself was excluded from the transfer, as it was a place of pilgrimage, and a favorite hunting seat of the Raja of Jhind, containing, moreover, the cenotaphs of the family.†
The case of village of Bains
One of the villages which had come into the possession of the British Government, with the Jhind territory, was Bains, which Raja Bhag Singh had given to Jamadar Khushhal Singh, one of the most powerful Chiefs of Lahore. The village had been allowed to remain with the Jamadar by Raja Fatah Singh and was confirmed to him by Raja Sangat Singh. In July 1844 the Jamadar died, and the village was resumed. The grant was a special one to the Jamadar ; the British Government were not bound to maintain it after his death ; and Khushhal Singh had been so
* Mr. Clerk to Government of India, 30th March. Mr. Greathed, Secretary of Legation to Mr. Clerk, 27th March, and to Raja Sarup Singh, 24th March. Mr. Clerk to Government of India, 8th April. Mr. Greatbed to Mr. Clerk, 29th March. Mr. Clerk to Government, 25th April. Maharaja of Pattiala to Mr. Clerk, 18th April 1843. Raja of Jhind to Governor General, 5th October 1844.
† Major H. Lawrence, Assistant Envoy, to Mr. Clerk, 11th May 1843, and 9th July 1843. Colonel Richmond to Government North Western Provinces, 1st August 1843.
much disliked by Raja Hira Singh, the Prime Minister of Lahore, that the greater portion of his jagirs were resumed on his death. But, for all this, the resumption was looked upon by the Lahore Government as an unfriendly act.
The irritable state of the Sikh Nation:
At this time the Sikhs were in a very excited and suspicious frame of mind, and were particularly jealous of any interference with their presumed possessions. The case of the village of Mourah, in Nabha territory, which had been resumed from Lahore, was of a similar nature, and, in both instances, the Lahore Government considered the action of the English to be inspired by hostile intentions and to prove a desire to annex more of their territory when a convenient opportunity should offer itself.*
The action of the Raja of Jhind during the war of 1845-46
The attitude of the principal Cis-Satlej Chiefs, immediately previous to the war of 1845 has been described in the Pattiala history.† The Jhind Raja was at this time a partisan of Pattiala and a bitter enemy of Raja Devindar Singh of Nabha, who treated him with studied contempt, affecting to consider him as of an inferior branch of the family, and refusing to allow any title of honor to be accorded him. The conduct of the Jhind Raja had strengthened this ill-feeling, for he had gained the support of Devindar Singh to his claim to the Jhind territory by promising to cede to him the district of Sangrur, a promise which he refused to keep after his claims had been acknowledged by the Government. It was thus only to be expected
* Agent Governor General to Secretary to Government, 31th July 1844 and 4th August 1844.
† vide ante p. 199— 203.
that, when war broke out, Pattiala and Jhind should be found on one side, and Nabha on the other.*
The feelings towards English Government:
The Raja of Jhind was undoubtedly well disposed towards the English Government from whom he has received the most generous treatment, and the recognition of a claim which could hardly be said to have any legal existence. But he was not altogether content. He had received so much that he thought himself entitled to receive all ; and never ceased to hope that the course of events would make it possible for him to acquire the whole of the possessions held by former Chiefs. The general feeling of suspicion and dislike to the English which had been so carefully encouraged by the Lahore Government, and the unfortunate termination of the first Kabul expedition, which had shaken the belief of the natives of India in the fortune of the English, had not been without their effect upon Sarup Singh ; and, in 1845, his conduct gave very serious dissatisfaction to the Lieutenant Governor of the North Western Provinces when travelling through the Jhind territory, and he also insulted Mr. Metcalfe of Dehli in such a manner as to call for a special communication on the subject from the Agent to the Governor General.†
Services during the campaign of 1845-46
Early in the month of November 1845, Raja Sarup Singh was called upon to send 150 camels for the use of the Sirhind Division ; but this, in spite of promises and repeated
* Agent Governor General to Secretary to Government 26th April 1845. Major H. Lawrence to Government of India 18th September 1846.
† Report of Mr. B. Cost to Major Mackeson, 7th March 1846.
orders, he neglected to do, and the result was great inconvenience to the troops when called upon to march. A fine of Rs. 10,000 was levied upon him by Major Broadfoot, which was realized in the following year. After this warning the conduct of the Raja was quite satisfactory. The exertions of his people in providing supplies and carriage were great ; his contingent served with the British troops ; and a detachment of it, which accompanied the Pattiala contingent to Ghumgrana, under Captain Hay, was highly praised by that officer for its steady conduct and discipline.* Still later, a detachment accompanied the expedition to Kashmir, where Imamuddin Khan, the Governor, was in revolt against Maharaja Gulab Singh.
For these services the Governor General remitted the fine of Rs. 10,000, and sanctioned the grant of lands not exceeding in value Rs. 3,000 a year, as a mark of the satisfaction of Government at his conduct, and double allowances were granted to the troops who had served with the Kashmir force.†
Sanad granted to the Raja after war
After the war, excise and transit duties were abolished in the Jhind territory, The British Government engaging never to demand from the Raja or his successors tribute or revenue, or commutation in lieu of troops, or otherwise ; and the Raja, on his part, engaging to aid the Government with all his troops in the
* Major Mackeson to Government, 27th July 1846. Murasilas from Agent Governor General dated 11th December 1845, 2nd February, 25th March, 1846, complimenting the Raja ou the services and discipline of his men.
t Government of India 17th December 1846, to Agent Governor General, and Agent Governor General to Government 11th December 1846. Commissioner Cis-Satlej to Raja dated 17tb March 1849.
event of war, to maintain the Military roads and to suppress Sati, slave-dealing and infanticide in his territories. In consideration of the abolition of transit duties, a further grant of lands, worth Rs. 1,000 a year, was given to the Raja in the recent Lahore conquests.*
As to the other Phulkian Chiefs, a Sanad was granted after the war to the Raja of Jhind, † confirming to him his ancestral possessions, and containing assurances of renewed protection, so long as he might continue to serve the Government loyally.
* Letter from the Governor General to Raja Jhind dated 13th February 1847, and from Agent Governor General 16th February, informing the Raja that the example he had set in abolishing duties was an excellent one, and should be notified in the Government Gazette.
† Sunud to the Rajah of Jhind dated 22nd September 1847.
The Right Honorable the Governor General having resolved to bestow certain lands on the Rajah of Jhind as a mark of consideration for his attachment and services to the British during the late war with the Lahore State, and the Rajah of Jhind having requested that he may at the same time receive a renewed assurance of protection and guarantee of his rights in his former possessions, the Governor General is pleased to confer this assurance in the form of a Sunud or Grant as follows, in order that the Maharajah and his successors after him, may, with perfect confidence, continue to exercise the same rights and authority in his possessions as heretofore.
The Maharajah's ancient hereditary estates, according to annexed Schedule, shall continue for ever in the possession of himself and his successors, with all Government rights thereto belonging of Police jurisdiction and collection of revenue as heretofore. The Maharajah's Chaharumians, feudatories, adherents and dependents, will continue bound in their adherence and obligations to the Rajah as heretofore. His Highness will exert himself to do justice, and to promote the welfare and happiness of his subjects, while they, on their part, considering the Rajah as their true and rightful lord, must obey him and his successors accordingly, and pay the revenue punctually, and be always zealous to promote the cultivation of their lands, and to testify their loyalty and obedience. The Maharajah has relinquished for himself and his successors for ever all right to levy excise and transit duties, which have been abolished throughout the Jhind territory. His Highness also binds himself and his successors to the suppression of Suttee, Infanticide, and slave-dealing within his territories. If unknown to the Maharajah's authorities, any persons should be guilty of these acts, the Maharajah's authorities will, on conviction, punish them with such severity as to deter others. The British Government will never demand from the
The second Sikh war of 1849
When the second Sikh war broke out, Raja Sarup Singh was anxious to prove his devotion to the Government and offered to lead his troops, in person, to Lahore, to join the English army. His services were declined, as they were not needed, but he was warmly thanked for the offer and the loyalty that had prompted it.*
Jhind after the annexation of the Punjab
After the annexation of the Punjab, the Raja of Jhind was one of the few Chiefs permitted to retain independent powers, with the exception of the right of capital punishment, which was conceded to him after the mutiny. He showed himself deserving of the privileges granted him, endeavouring to reform his administration after the English model, and to adopt the English system of Revenue and Police. Like most reforms, those instituted by the Raja were not altogether popular, especially among the wild tribes on the border.
Revolt of border villages
The peasants of Sujuarah, a village on
Maharaja and his successors and their dependents above named, anything in the way of tribute or revenue or commutation in lieu of troops or otherwise, for the reason that His Highness will ever continue as heretofore sincerely devoted to the service and interests of the British. The British authorities will not entertain complaints of the Maharaja’s subjects or dependents, or interfere with the Maharajah’s authority. Should an enemy approach from any quarter to this side of Beas or Sutlej, for the purpose of conquering this country, the Rajah will join the British army with his forces, and exert himself in expelling the enemy and act under discipline and obedience, and in time of war place the resources of his country at the disposal of the British Government. His Higliness engages to have made and to keep in repair through his own officers, the Military roads through his territory for the passage of British troops from Umballa and other stations to Ferozepoor, of a width and elevation to be determined on by the Engineer Officer charged with the duty of laying down the roads. His Highness will also appoint encamping grounds for British troops at the different stages, which shall be marked off, so that there be no claims made hereafter on account of damaged crops.
* Commissioner Ambala to Raja, 5th June 1848. From Mr. F. Currie, Resident Lahore, to Raja, dated 31st July and 24th November 1848. Commissioner Ambala to Raja 1st September 1848.
the Rohtak boundary, rose in revolt, killing the Tehsildar who had been sent to measure the cultivated area of villages, with a view to making a settlement and to mark off the surplus waste lands into separate estates. They then called together the villagers of the neighbourhood, belonging to the same clan, and threw up entrenchments, arming and provisioning themselves for a siege.
The Raja’s energetic action
The Raja marched against the insurgents with all his available force, but before attacking them, by the advice of the British Government, he issued a proclamation granting a free pardon to all concerned except the leaders of the revolt, if they would retire quietly to their homes. This proclamation, and the presence of a strong force, had the desired effect, the greater majority of the insurgents dispersed, their leaders, finding themselves deserted, fled, and the revolt was brought to an end without the loss of a single life. *
The mutiny of 1857
When the mutiny broke out in May 1857, Raja Sarup Singh was not behind the Maharaja of Pattiala in active loyalty. When news reached him at Sangrur of the revolt at Dehli, he at once collected all his troops, and by forced marches reached Karnal on the 18th, where he undertook the defence of the City and Cantonments,† His contingent did not exceed 800 men, but it was orderly and well disciplined, and
* Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, Nos. 68 and 90, dated 28th March, 26th April 1854. Government Punjab to Government of India, Nos. 306 and 396, dated 22nd April, 20th May. To Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, Nos. 346 and 442, dated 15tU April, 13th May 1854. †t Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Raja, 14th May, Mr. Montgomery, Judicial Commissioner, dated 16th May. Chief Commissioner 17th May. Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, dated 19th, 20th, 23rd and 26th May 1857.
its presence at Karnal gave confidence and secured that station from plunder. From Karnal the Raja sent a detachment to secure the bridge of boats at Bhagpat, twenty miles north of Delhi, enabling the Meerat force to cross the Jamna and join Sir H. Barnard's column. The town of Panipat, which was in a most excited state, was restored to order, and the Jhind force marched in advance of the British column, the post of honor, recovering Sumbhalka and Rai, securing the road, and collecting supplies for the army.
Raja Sarup Singh’s services in the field
On the 7th of June, Raja Sarup Singh joined the British camp at Alipur, and the following day the battle of Badli Serai was fought, in which the Jhind troops behaved well and were complimented on the field by the Commander-in-Chief, who sent one of the captured guns to the Raja as a present. On the 19 th of June the Jhind troops aided in repulsing the Nasirabad force which attacked the camp, and, on the 21st, were sent to Bhagpat to repair the bridge of boats which had been destroyed. In three days the bridge was completed, but had to be again destroyed as the mutineers attacked the Raja in overwhelming numbers, compelling him to retire. The Raja had now to return to his own territories where the rebels of the Hansi, Hissar and Rohtak districts had incited Jhind villages to revolt. The disturbance was soon quelled by the energy of Sarup Singh, who then employed himself in raising recruits and purchasing horses for the British force before Dehli ; returning to the camp on the 9th of September.
The assault of Delhi:
The Jhind force, under Commandant Khan Singh, took a prominent part In the assault of the City, scaling
the walls side by side with English troops, and of their number several were killed and wounded.
Raja Sarup Singh was the only Chief who was present with the army before Dehli, In this he was more fortunate, though not more loyal or courageous, than the Maharaja of Pattiala and the Raja of Kapurthalla, both of whom desired to join the besieging force ; but their presence was considered more useful elsewhere.
Rohtak made over to the Raja temporarily:
The administration of the district of Rohtak was made over to the Raja of Jhind during the most disturbed period, and the headmen of villages and the zamindars, were directed to pay their revenue to him, his receipt being sufficient acknowledgment of payment.*
The services subsequent to fall of the Delhi:
After the fall of Dehli, Sarup Singh returned to Sufidon. He left 25 men for service at the Larsowli Tehsil, and the same number at Dehli; sent a detachment of 200 men with General VanCortlandt to Hansi, and 110 men, under the command of Commandant Khan Singh, to Jhajjar, with Colonel R. Lawrence. Besides these, 250 Jhind troops remained stationed at Rohtak, and 50 at Gohana about 20 miles to the north.†
The great value of these services:
The services of Raja Sarup Singh were thus of the most valuable kind. The Commissary General, Colonel Thom-
* Proclamation of Commissioner of Dehli dated 26th July 1857. Letter to Raja of same date.
† Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government Punjab, dated 3rd March 1858. Government Punjab to Government of India, No. 202 dated 13th April 1858. Chief Commissioner to Raja, 1st June 1857. From Colonel Dunsford 29th July ; from the Viceroy, dated 12th August ; Commander-in-Chief, dated 27th September 1857; from the Viceroy dated 2nd June 1858.
son, C. B., * declared that but for the timely supplies furnished by him, the quantity of stores would have been, at first, insufficient for the troops. General Wilson, in his despatch of the 22nd of September, announcing the fall of Delhi, beings "prominently to notice the admirable service performed by the Jhind Raja and his troops, who are said not only to have discharged harassing duties in the constant escort of convoys, but to have aided the General on more than one occasion in the field ; and, finally, to have participated in the capture and assault of Dehli.” The Governor General, in his notification of the 5th November 1857, declared that the steady support of the Raja of Jhind called for the marked thanks of the Government
His rewards by British Government
But Raja Sarup Singh received rewards more substantial than mere thanks. It was at first proposed to grant him an estate of about Rs. 50,000 a year near his own territory; but, for the same reason as influenced the grant to Pattiala, it was subsequently thought desirable to assign him a portion of the confiscated Jhajjar territory. This was, however, situated a long way from Jhind, and would have been difficult for the Raja, whose means were limited, to control, and, finally, the Dadri territory, 575 square miles in extent, which had been confiscated on account of the rebellion of its Nawab,† was conferred upon him. This territory, situated about 20 miles due south of Jhind, and between the estates of Jhajjar and Loharu, was worth about Rs. 1,03,000 per
* No. 51 dated 17th Jane from Colonel Thomson, G. B. † Chief Commissioner to Government of India, No. 128—12 B. dated 9th April 1858.
annum, though it was capable of great improvement, and at the present time brings in a much larger revenue. Thirteen villages in the Kularan sub-district, conveniently situated near Sangrur, and valued at Rs. 13,813 per annum, were also ceded to the Raja in perpetuity. These villages were, Bhaiapura, Alampur, Balamgarh, Kularan, Dodura, Rotli, Rangloi, Dharamgarh, Buzurg, Saipura, Mani, Kakralah and Shahpur.
His salute and honorary title increased
As a memorial of his services before Dehli, the confiscated house of the rebel Shahzadah Mirza Abu Bakr, situated in that city, and valued at Rs. 6,000, was bestowed on the Raja ; whose salute was raised to eleven guns ; the number of trays of presents presented to him in Viceregal Durbars was increased from eleven to fifteen, and the honorary title “Farzana dilband rāsikh-ul-itikād Raja Sarup Singh Buhādar wāli Jhind” was conferred upon him. *
Two villages were held by kinsmen of the Raja, Badrukhan and Bumhamwadi, an isolated plot of land near Sangrur, nominally in the Thanesar district, but really 80 miles distant from Thanesar. The Raja had a great desire to become possessed of these villages, which were large and valuable, being worth Rs. 5,171 a year. This revenue was enjoyed by jagirdars, the Chiefs of Badrukhan, who were willing to come
* Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, No. 65 dated 3rd March 1858 to Chief Commissioner. Statement of the Raja of Jhind dated 15th January 1858. Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Chief Commissioner No. 89, dated 20th March. Commissioner Dehli to Chief Commissioner No. 84 dated 17th March. Chief Commissioner to Government of India No. 32 dated 13th April. Government of India to Chief Commissioner No. 1549 A. dated 2nd June 1858. Government of India to Government Punjab, No. 5260 dated 18th December 1859.
under Jhind jurisdiction, but there was some objection to the villages being transferred, the Raja having been already amply rewarded. The Badrukhan Sirdars were, however, allowed Police jurisdiction in their village, subject to British control.*
Two years later, Raja Sarup Singh proposed purchase the interest of Government in these villages. This only consisted of the commutation tax of Rs. 643-14-0, which the Raja was willing to redeem at twenty or twenty-five years' purchase. The transfer, on payment of 20 years purchase, viz.: Rs. 12,877-8- 0, was permitted by the Government as an exceptional case, and the Badrukhan Chiefs have since 1867 been feudatories of Jhind.†
Scattered Dadri villages in British territory surrendered
There were 14 villages, Chang, Mithathal; Bamla, Naorangabad, Bhund, Rankouli, Aon, Bas, Ranela, Saifal, Khairari, Jawa, Bijna, and Changrour, belonging to the Dadri territory but scattered in the Rohtak and Jhajjar districts. The first nine of these had been administered by the District Officer of Rohtak, both as regarded the collection of revenue and criminal jurisdiction, for varying periods, one village having been so administered since 1858, and three since 1853. The criminal jurisdiction of the ninth village, Saifal, had, since 1845, been vested in the Deputy Commissioner of Rohtak, though the Nawab of Dadri had collected
* Commissioner Cis-Satlej States Nos. 89 and 264 dated 20th March and 14th September 1858 to Chief Commissioner. Chief Commissioner to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States dated 25th September 1858.
† Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Panjab Government No. 131 dated 23rd May 1861. Punjab Government to Government of India No. 311 dated 30th May. Government of India to Punjab Government No. 3265 dated 22nd June. Despatch of the Secretary of State, No. 122 dated 31st October 1861.
the revenue, and the four last villages, both in fiscal and criminal administration, had been subordinate to the Nawab.
For the convenience of both States, and to preserve a satisfactory boundary, a transfer was proposed of these villages to the British Government, in exchange for others of equal value in the Budhwara and Kanoudh Pargannas of the Jhajjar district. The revenue of the Dadri villages, amounted to Rs. 10,641, and the transferred villages made over to the Raja, viz.: Churkli, Nanda, Tiwali, Siswala, Pachobah Kalan, Pachobah Khurd, and Todhi, were worth Rs. 10,850 a year. The Raja was perfectly satisfied with the transfer, which was approved by the Government of India and carried into effect.*
Exchange of Government lands for outlying Jhind lands
In 1861, several villages of the Jhind territory were exchanged for others of equal value belonging to the Government. There was a district belonging to the Raja, almost surrounded by lands of Hissar, consisting of 12 villages, Banbhori, Bhadakhera, Byanakhera, Panihiri, Dhad, Sursanah, Sohnah, Jandlanah, Khurk Punia, Gyanpur, Kapron and Khurkuri, which were inconvenient to manage and the exchange of which for others nearer his principal town of Sangrur was much desired by Raja Sarup Singh, while their transfer would render the boundary
* Secretary to Government Punjab, No. 1016 dated 28th December 1858, and No. 193, dated 17th February 1859 to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States. Commissioner Hissar to Government Punjab, Nos. 102, 103, and 132 dated 29th June and 13th August 1859.
Government Punjab to Commissioner Hissar, No. 895 and 975 dated 8th and 22nd August.
Government Punjab to Government of India, No. 601 dated 30th August Government of India to Government Punjab, No. 5728, dated 19th September 1859.
line more regular. The Government consented, in exchange for these, assessed at Rs. 8,366, to give twelve villages of the Kularan pargannah, part of which had been already granted to Jhind after the mutiny. The villages assigned to Jhind from the autumn harvest of 186l, were Nagri, Chupki, Mundawala, Lotki, Dhunela, Osmanpur, Siparheri, Murori, Murdanheri, Murlanwala and Nunhera, valued at Rs. 8,345 a year.*
The paper of requests:
The Raja of Jhind joined with the Maharaja Pattiala and the Raja of Nabha in submitting to Government a paper of requests for regulating the succession to their Chiefships, and soliciting certain favors, a detailed account of which, with the orders of Government thereon, has already been given.†
The Sanad of May 1860
He also received a new Sanad§ granting him full sovereignty in his new and acquired possessions, embodying the additional privileges which had been conceded
* Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, No. 57 dated 7th March 1861. Government Punjab to Government of India No. 172 dated 14th March. Government of India to Government Punjab, No. 1454, dated 28th March 1861.
† Vide ante, pp. 244-255.
§ Translation of the Sanud given to the Raja of Jhind by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor General, dated Simla, 5th May 1860.
Since the establishment of British authority in India, the present Raja of Jhind and his predecessors have always been steady in their allegiance. They have frequently received rewards for their fidelity in the accession of fresh honors, dignity, and territory. More recently the present Ruler of Jhind has surpassed the former achievements of his race, by the constancy and courage he evinced during the mutiny of 1857-58. In memo of this unswerving and conspicuous loyalty, His Excellency the viceroy and Governor General of India, has conferred additional honors and territory upon the Raja for himself and his heirs for ever, and has graciously acceded to the Raja’s desire to receive a Sannd or Grant under the hand and seal of the Viceroy, guaranteeing to the Raja the free and unreserved possession of his ancient territories, as well as of those tracts bestowed on the Raja and his predecessors at various times by the British Government.
to him and the arrangements which had been made for the administration of the State in the event of a minority or the death of the Chief without having appointed a successor, and to this Sanad a schedule of the territory belonging to him was annexed
The Sanad of adoption
A special Sanad was moreover granted, confirming, in almost the same terms used in the Sanad granted to Nabha
Clause 1.— The Raja and his heirs for ever will exercise fall sovereignty over his ancestral and acquired dominions according to the annexed list. All the rights, privileges, and prerogatives which the Raja enjoys in his hereditary territories he will equally enjoy in his acquired territories. All feudatories and dependants of every degree will be bound to render obedience to him throughout his dominions.
Clause 2.— Except as provided in Clause 3, the British Government will never demand from the Raja, or any of his successors, or from any of his feudatories, relations, or dependants, any tribute on account of revenue, service, or any other plea.
Clause 3.— The British Government cordially desires to see the noble house of Jhind perpetuated, and in this spirit, confers upon the Raja and his heirs for ever, whenever male issue may foil, the right of adopting a successor from among the descendants of the Phulkian family. If however, at any time any Raja of Jhind should die without male issue and without adopting a successor, it will still be open to the Maharaja of Pattiala and the Raja of Nabha, in concert with the Commissioner or Political Agent of the British Government, to select a successor from among the Phulkeean family ; but in that case a nuzzurana or fine, equal to one-third of the gross annual revenue of the Jhind State, shall be paid to the British Government.
Clause 4.— In 1847 the British Government empowered the Raja to inflict capital punishment, after reference to the Commissioner. It now removes the restriction imposed by this reference, and invests the Raja with absolute power of life and death over his own subjects. With regard to British subjects committing crime, and apprehended in his territory, the Raja will be guided by the rules contained in the despatch of the Honourable the Court of Directors to the Madras Government, No. 3 dated 1st June 1836. The Rajah will exert himself to execute justice, and to promote the happiness and welfare of his people. He engages to prohibit Suttee, Slavery, and Female Infanticide, throughout his territorie8, and to punish, with the utmost rigor, those who are found guilty of any of these crimes.
Clause 5.— The Rajah will never fail in his loyalty and devotion to the sovereign of Great Britain.
Clause 6.— If any force hostile to the British Government should appear in the neighbourhood, the Rajah will co-operate with the British Government and oppose the enemy. He will exert himself to the utmost of his resources in providing carriage and supplies for the British troops, according to the requisitions he may receive.
and Pattiala, the right of adoption in case of failure of male heirs.*
Part of Jhajjar transferred to Jhind:
The circumstances under which a portion of the Jhajjar district was assigned to Raja Sarup Singh has been re-
Clause 7. The British Government will not receive any complaints from any of the subjects of the Raja, whether Maafeedars, Jagheerdars, relatives, dependents, servants, or other classes.
Clause 8. The British Government will respect the household and family arrangements of the Raja, and abstain from any interference therein.
Clause 9. The Rajah, as heretofore, will furnish at current rates, through the agency of his own officers, the necessary materials required for the construction of Rail-roads, Railway stations, and Imperial roads and bridges. He will also freely give the land required for the construction of Railroads and Imperial lines of road.
Clause 10. The Rajah and his successors &c., will always pursue the same course of fidelity and devotion to the British Government, and the Government will always be ready to uphold the honor and dignity of the Raja and his house.
Shedule of Territories belonging to the Raja of Jhind:
Ancestral possessions.
- 4. Purgunnah Balewallee.
- 6. Purgunnah Bazeedpoor, with Mouzah Laloda.
- 7. A share in the village of Bhai Rupa.
Acquired possessions
- Mouzah Dolumwalla (now in Purgunnah Jhind ).
- Mouzah Borada - Now in Purgunnah Sufidun. Granted by sunud, dated 22nd September 1847, signed by Viscount Hardinge, Governor General.
- Mouzah Busseinee - Do
- Mouzah Khatla - Do
- Purgunnah Dadree, 14 villages of Porgannah Koolaram. - By letter from Secretary to Government of India, dated 2nd June 1858, No. 1549 A.
Jagheer Feudatories,
To Farzand dilband rasikul-itakad Dowlut-i-Englishia Raja Sarup Singh Buhadur of Jhind, dated 5th March 1862.
Her Majesty being desirous that the Governments of the several Princes and Chiefs of India who now govern their own territories should be perpetuated, and that the representation and dignity of their House should be continued, I hereby, in fulfilment of this desire, repeat to you the assurance which I communicated to you in the Sunud under my signature, dated 5th May 1860, that, on failure of natural heirs, the perpetuation of your
His death
On the 26th January 1864, Raja Sarup Singh died of severe dysentery, from which he had been suffering for several months. He was at the time residing at his country seat of Bazidpur, near Pattiala, and had been attended occasionally by an English Doctor. But the Raja had unfortunately a superstitious belief
men who had done such signal service to the British Government and whose prolonged life would have been of so much benefit to the Punjab, should pass away together. But, of these three Chief, the Raja of Jhind was perhaps the most distinguished in person and presence he was eminently princely, and the stalwart Sikh race could hardly show a taller or stronger man. Glad in armour, as he loved to be, at the head of his troops, there was perhaps no other Prince in India who bore himself so gallantly and looked so true a soldier. In character he was honest and just, and though his pride and restlessness led him to quarrel with his neighbours, yet the British Government has never had an ally more true and loyal in heart than Raja Sarup Singh, who served it from affection and not from fear. He was naturally disappointed at the decision of Government, which allowed him to inherit only a portion of the Jhind territories, yet he never permitted this decision to embitter his feelings or to influence his loyalty.*
His nomination to the Star of India
Raja Sarup Singh had been nominated a Knight Grand Commander of the Star of India, in September 1863, made.
By population, revenue and salute, Mandi would seem entitled to the seventh place, but these considerations alone do not determine precedence, and the position of Mandi in the list most be held as doubtful, should he ever meet the Simla Hill Chiefs in Durbar.
The position of the Simla Hill States given in the foregoing list, is that observed at the Durbar of Lord Canning in May 1860 : with the exception of Bhagal, the Rana of which estate does not appear ever to have attended any Durbar. Indeed, in 1861, at the time of Lord Dalhousie’s Durbar, and at Lord Canning's in 1860, there was no Chief, the territory having escheated to Government in 1849, and only being restored in 1861. At the date of Lord Elgin's Durbar in 1863, the Rana was only four years old, which accounts for his non-attendance.
* Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government, No. 20 dated 27th January 1864. Government Punjab to Government of India No. 45, dated 80th January, Government of India to Government Punjab. No. 177 dated 20th February. Despatch of Secretary of State No. 38, dated 16th July 1864.
but he was too ill to visit Ambala to be invested, and died before the honor to which he had been designated could be bestowed.*
Ragbhir Singh his successor
Ragbhir Singh, the son and heir of Raja Sarup Singh, was in every way worthy of his father. He was, at this time, about thirty years of age, and had been thoroughly trained in judicial and administrative matters in which the late Raja was an excellent teacher ; for he had kept his territory in excellent order, and had been eminently just in his dealings with his subjects.
The installation:
The installation of the new Chief took place on the 31st of March 1864, in presence of Sir Herbert Edwardes the Agent of the Lieutenant Governor ; the Maharaja of Pattiala ; the Raja of Nabha, the Nawab of Malerkotla, and many other Chiefs.†
The revolt of Dadri:
The new Raja had scarcely taken his seat on the "gaddi" than a rebellion broke out in the newly acquired territory of Dadri, to test his energy and determination.§
The administration of late Nawab of Dadri :
The Nawab of Dadri had been, as a ruler, incompetent and entirely in the hands of his servants. He was accustomed to farm the revenue collections to the headmen of villages, sometimes for Rs. 80,000, sometimes for a lakh of rupees or a little more, while they doubled
* Letter of Sir Herbert Edwardes, Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, to Raja, dated 26th September 1863.
† Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government Nos. 54 and 84 dated 4th and dist March 1864.
§ Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government No. 111—866, dated 6th May. Commissioner Hissar to Government, No. 31 dated 2nd May. Inspector General of Police to Government, dated 5th May.
राजा सरूपसिंह
राजा सरूपसिंह (r.1837-d.26 Jan 1864) पटियाला-स्टेट एवं जींद-स्टेट दोनों राजवंश के पुरखा चौधरी फूल की छटवीं पीढ़ी में सिद्धू गोत्र का जाट था। वह राजा करमसिंह का पुत्र थे। जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज से इनका इतिहास नीचे दिया जा रहा है।
चौधरी फूल के बड़े लड़के तिलोका के दो पुत्र हुए- गुरुदत्तसिंह और सुखचैन। बड़े भाई गुरुदत्तसिंह के वंशज नाभा-स्टेट और छोटे भाई सुखचैन के रियासत जींद, सरदार बड़रूखां व बाजेदपुर थे। तिलोका का दूसरा बेटा सुखचैन जिसके वंशज जींद स्टेट के राजगान थे, एक जमींदार की हैसियत से था। सुखचैन के तीन लड़के थे - आलमसिंह, गजपतसिंह और बुलाकीसिंह। (जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृ-476)
राजा गजपतसिंह के बाद जींद रियासत भागसिंह और भूपसिंह दोनों भाइयों में बंट गई। भूपसिंह को बड़रूखां का इलाका मिला और भागसिंह को इलाका जींद और सफेदों का। चूंकि भागसिंह बड़ा लड़का था, इसलिए अधिक प्रदेश और राजा के खिताब का वही अधिकारी हुआ। (जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठ-479-80)
सरदार भूपसिंह जींद के राजा गजपतसिंह का तीसरा बेटा था। राजा भागसिंह को अपने पिता के पश्चात् रियासत जींद मिली और भूपसिंह को परगना तालेदपुर और बडरूखां मिला।
भूपसिंह के दो पुत्र थे - करमसिंह और बसावासिंह।
राजा सरूपसिंह
अपने पिता सरदार भूपसिंह की मृत्यु के पश्चात् करमसिंह अपने हिस्से इलाका बाजेदपुर में आया, जहां पर वह सन् 1818 ई० में मर गया। उसके एक बेटा सरूपसिंह था जो रियासत जींद की गद्दी का दावेदार हुआ।
क्योंकि सरूपसिंह करमसिंह का बेटा था जो कि भूपसिंह का बेटा था, इसलिए उसका दावा करना उचित था। पर सरदार सुखासिंह ने यह बताते हुए अपना हक बताया कि करमसिंह को उसके पिता ने ही जायदाद से अलग कर दिया था इसलिए वह रियासत का अधिकारी नहीं हो सकता। पर यह दलील ध्यान देने योग्य थी और बजाय उसके उल्टे सरूपसिंह का दावा कहीं मजबूत था।
इस समय रियासत जींद के तीन भाग हो सकते थे अर्थात् परगना जींद और सफेदों जो पुरानी जागीर, दूसरे सन् 1809 में हुए अहदनामे के मुताबिक
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-489
महाराज रणजीतसिंह से मिले परगना लुधियाना, वस्तीयाना वगैरा शामिल थे और तीसरे वह समय-समय पर महाराजा रणजीतसिंह द्वारा मिली जागीरें थीं। जब सरूपसिंह के दावे को गवर्नमेंट ने उचित समझा तो उसने सब भागों के हकदार होने का दावा किया।
महाराजा रणजीतसिंह से हुए सन् 1809 के अहदनामे के अनुसार जो इलाके मिले थे तथा और जो बाद में उनके द्वारा दिए गए थे, महाराजा साहब ने वापस अपनी जायदाद में मिलाने के लिए लिखा-पढ़ी शुरू की। यहां तक कि उन्होंने रियासत का हकदार भी अपने को बताया।
जींद की गद्दी के लिए इस तरह बहुत समय तक झगड़ा चलता रहा। आखिरकार यह फैसला तय पाया था कि सन् 1809 के अहदनामे के बाद दी हुई जागीर महाराजा रणजीतसिंह को वापस मिलनी चाहिए और इलाका लुधियाना सरकार अंग्रेजी के पास वापस आ जाना चाहिए और नए राजा को सिर्फ राजा गजपतसिंह के कब्जे वाले स्थान ही मिलें। यह फैसला राजा सरूपसिंह और महाराजा लाहौर एवं सरकार तीनों को ही लाभकारी था। क्योंकि राजा सरूपसिंह को तो इतने दावेदारों को हटाकर रियासत का सम्पूर्ण हिस्सा नहीं तो कुछ भाग तो मिल रहा है, इसलिए खुशी थी और रणजीतसिंह को भी एक हिस्सा जो कुछ समय से उससे अलग हो गया था, मिल रहा था। उधर सरकार को भी लुधियाना पर फिर कब्जा होने का स्पष्ट लाभ था। इसकी किसको चिन्ता थी कि एक स्टेट की सीमा घटकर संकुचित हो रही है, और जिसकी सीमा सुखचैन से लेकर अब तक के राजाओं द्वारा बढ़ी थी, पुराने नकशे पर आ रही है।
गवर्नर-जनरल के हुक्म से यह फैसला ता० 10 जनवरी सन् 1837 को लिखा गया जिसमें राजा सरूपसिंह को रियासत का अधिकारी माना गया और बताया गया कि सरूपसिंह उतने ही परगने का अधिकारी हो सकता है जितने पर उसके परदादा गजपतसिंह का कब्जा था। क्योंकि इसी बुनियाद पर वह रियासत का दाबेदार होना कायम हो सका है। इसके साथ ही उन परगनों की लिस्ट भी लिखी गई जो परगने महाराज रणजीतसिंह को वापस मिले और जिन पर सरूपसिंह का हक माना गया था और जो सरकार के अधिकार में आने हैं।
नवम्बर सन् 1837 में कोर्ट ऑफ डाइरेक्टर ने जिनके पास जींद प्रबन्ध के अन्तिम निर्णय के साथ उपर्युक्त फैसला भेजा गया था, यह हुक्म दिया - वे कुल इलाके जात, जो न रणजीतसिंह की तरफ से और न गवर्नमेण्ट अंग्रेजी की तरफ से, बतौर जागीर मिली थी, बल्कि गजपतसिंह के जमाने से हासिल हुई थी, न्याय से नये राजा की मिलकियत हो सकती है। पर इसका उसके फैसले पर कोई असर न हुआ।
इस फैसले से फतेहसिंह की माताओं और रानियों में सख्त नाराजगी फैली।
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-490
उन्होंने बहुत से अभियोगों के साथ कि उनके साथ अत्याचार किया जा रहा है, दरख्वास्त की, परन्तु कुछ सुनवाई न हुई।
अप्रैल सन् 1837 में सरूपसिंह को तमाम रईस फूल खानदान और अंग्रेजी एजेण्ट की उपस्थिति में गद्दी पर बैठाया गया। सरूपसिंह इतने दावेदारों के झगड़े में से एक रियासत के मालिक हुए थे, इसलिए परिणाम जाहिर था। इलाका बालानवाली जहां के निवासी बगावत करने पर प्रतापसिंह के भी साथी हुए थे और बाद में भी एक बार बागी बन गए थे, फिर बागी हो गए। इस फिसाद में एक खास व्यक्ति गुलाबसिंह था जिसके कारण बगावत ने जोर पकड़ा था। यह बालानवाली का रहने वाला था और जींद की फौज में रिसलदार था। जींद के बहुत से सिपाही बागियों से जा मिले थे। इस बगावत में कुं० प्रतापसिंह की विधवा रानी भी मदद को गई थी। परन्तु यह बगावत शीघ्र ही शान्त कर दी गई क्योंकि विद्रोहियों के हाथ में कोई खास स्थान न आया था। किला बालानवाली भी इतना मजबूत न था जो उनकी मदद कर सके। 17 मार्च को बागियों ने उस पर और थाना पर एक बार ही कब्जा कर लिया, मगर एक फौज ने, जो उनके मुकाबले के वास्ते भेजी गई थी, उन्हें प्रथम ही हरा दिया जिसमें दिलसिंह, लखासिंह और प्रतापसिंह की विधवा तो कैद हो गई और गुलाबसिंह मारा गया और देवसिंह ने जो कब्जे में होने वाला ही था कि आत्महत्या कर ली और शेष बहुत से लोगों को कैद करके तहकीकात के वास्ते अम्बाला भेज दिया गया और एक दस्ता फौज का बालानवाली में रखा गया जो शान्ति कायम होने तक वहीं रहा।
मार्च सन् 1843 में कैथल के लावारिश हो जाने पर सरकार के प्रबन्ध करने पर राजा साहब जींद को एक परगना माहलान धाबदान बमुआवजा एक हिस्सा इलाका सफेदों को दिया गया। माहलान धाबदान में 23 गांव जमा 23,042 रुपये सालाना और हिस्सा सफेदों में 38 गांव जमा 33,380 रुपया सालाना के थे। मगर खास मौजा सफेदों जींद में ही शामिल रखा गया था क्योंकि वहां पर राजा साहब का शिकारगाह था और अब तक के राजाओं की समाधि थी।
नवम्बर सन् 1845 में सरूपसिंह से 150 ऊंट फौज छावनी अम्बाला के लिए तलब किए गए। राजा साहब समय पर न दे सके। इसलिए रेजीडेण्ट मेजर ब्राडफुट ने उस पर दस हजार रुपया जुर्माना यह अपराध बताकर किया कि समय पर ऊंटों के न मिलने से फौज को बड़ी तकलीफ बरदाश्त करनी पड़ी है जिससे भारी नुकसान पहुंचा है। इसके बाद राजा साहब के आदमियों ने रसद और सामान बड़ी मुस्तैदी से समय पर दिया। उसकी फौज ने अंग्रेजी फौज के साथ काम दिया। कुछ समय बाद एक दस्ता फौज काश्मीर भी गया था, जहां राजा गुलाबसिंह से यहां के हाकिम इमामुद्दीन ने बगावत कर दी थी।
इस सहायता से प्रसन्न हो कर गवर्नर-जनरल ने दस हजार का जुर्माना माफ
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-491
कर दिया और एक जागीर जो करीब 3000 रुपया की थी, देने और उस फौज को जिसने काश्मीर में काम दिया था, दुचन्द वेतन देने का इजहार किया।
लड़ाई के बाद व्यापार की वस्तुओं का कर अर्थात् सायर, जकात महसूल रियासत जींद से हटाया गया और गवर्नमेंट अंग्रेजी ने वादा किया कि राजा और उसके वारिशों से किसी तरह का खिराज, मुआवजा व खिदमत फौज वगैरह कभी तलब न की जाएगी और राजा साहब ने सरकार को लड़ाई के वक्त में अपनी तमाम फौज से मदद देने, जंगी रास्तों की मरम्मत रखने आदि और भी जिस प्रकार की सहायता आवश्यक जान पड़े, देने की जिम्मेदारी ली। सरकार ने महसूल हटा देने के बदले में 1000 रुपया सालाना की जागीर और दी तथा दूसरे फूल खानदान सरदारों की भांति लड़ाई के पश्चात् एक सनद दी जिसमें उसकी मौरूसी रियासत बहाल रखी गई और यह वायदा किया गया कि जब तक वह सरकार का खैरख्वाह रहेगा, उसकी रक्षा की जायेगी। जब सिखों की दूसरी लड़ाई हुई, राजा स्वरूपसिंह ने सरकार को अपनी सेवाएं स्वीकार करने को लिखा। सरकार ने इसे स्वीकार न किया और महाराज को इसके लिए धन्यवाद दिया गया।
पंजाब की जब्ती के पश्चात् राजा जींद और उन खुद-मुख्तार रईसों को फांसी देने तक के अधिकार दिए गये थे। स्वरूपसिंह को यह अधिकार सन् 1857 के गदर के बाद दिया गया था। उन्होंने अपने अधिकारों का दुरुपयोग नहीं किया और स्टेट का प्रबन्ध नये तरीके से अंग्रेजी नमूने पर किया। नये ढ़ंग के प्रबन्ध से कुछ लोग रुष्ट भी हुए और लजवाना गांव के किसान जो रोहतक की सरहद पर थे, विद्रोही बन गए और जब एक तहसीलदार गांव की पैमायश के लिए उधर गया, तो कत्ल कर डाला गया।
राजा ने जब यह समाचार सुना तो मौजूदा कुल फौज लेकर बागियों की तरफ रवाना हुआ और इससे पहले कि मारकाट हो, सरकार की सलाह से एक इश्तिहार जारी किया कि उन लोगों को कुछ दण्ड न दिया जाएगा जो बगावत में शामिल हुए हैं, बशर्ते वह अपने-अपने घरों को लौट जाएं। फौज और इस इश्तिहार से बागियों पर काफी असर पड़ा और वे अपने स्थानों पर वापस लौट गये। इस तरह विद्रोहियों को आरम्भ में ही दबा दिया गया।
जब मई सन् 1857 का विद्रोह आरम्भ हुआ तो महाराज स्वरूपसिंह पटियाला राजा साहब से सहायता करने में कम न रहे और जब उनको संगरूर में देहली के विद्रोह की खबर मिली तो उन्होंने अपनी सब फौज को इकट्ठा किया और तारीख 18 को करनाल जा पहुंचे। वहां पर पहुंचकर शहर और छावनी की रक्षा का भार अपने ऊपर ले लिया। यद्यपि उसके पास के सैनिकों की संख्या 800 से अधिक न थी, परन्तु नये ढंग से कवायद वगैरह की शिक्षा में निपुण
- 1. “पंजाब राजाज” के उर्दू तर्जुमाकार खलीफा सैयद मुहम्मद हुसैन नोट देते हैं कि इस बगावत को दबाने में फौज पटियाला भी शामिल थी और 80 सिपाहियों के करीब घायल हुए थे और 17 मारे गये थे - “लेखक”।
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-492
थी। करनाल में पहुंचने से शान्ति हो गई और शहर लुटने से बच गया। उन्होंने एक दस्ता फौज बागपत के पुल की रक्षा के लिए भेजी। यह पुल देहली से 20 मील की दूरी पर था और किश्तियों का बना हुआ था। इसकी रक्षा से ही मेरठ छावनी की फौज यमुना को पार कर सकी थी और यनार्ड साहब की फौज से मिल जाने पर शहर पानीपत में जहां विद्रोह की आग धधक चुकी थी, इन्तजाम कर सके और सबसे बड़ी जींद की फौज के लिए इज्जत की बात यह थी कि उसने अंग्रेजी फौज के आगे-आगे रवाना होकर सम्हालका और रार को छीन लिया, सड़क पर कब्जा कर लिया और फौज के वास्ते रसद जमा की।
सातवीं जून को सरूपसिंह अलीपुर में अंग्रेजी फौज में आ मिला और दूसरे ही दिन जींद की फौज ने वाह-वाही पाई। कमाण्डर-इन-चीफ ने उनकी बहादुरी से प्रसन्न होकर उन तोपों में से जो लड़ाई में उन्हें हाथ आई थीं, एक तोप राजा साहब को दी। 19वीं जून को फिर जींद की फौज ने नसीराबाद की विद्रोही सेना को, जिसने अंग्रेजी लश्कर पर हमला किया था, दबाने में मदद की और 21वीं तारीख को बागपत भेजने पर जहां का पुल तोड़ दिया गया था, तीन दिन में ही फिर तैयार कर दिया। परन्तु उसे फिर तोड़ना पड़ा, क्योंकि विद्रोहियों ने राजा पर हमला कर दिया था, इसलिए विवश हो लौटना पड़ा। इधर जब राजा को यह समाचार मिला कि उसके इलाके में हांसी, हिसार और रोहतक में विद्रोहियों की मदद की है तो वह रियासत में लौट आये और यहां से जो झगड़ा खड़ा होने वाला था, उसे बड़ी होशियारी से दूर किया। यहां पहुंचकर भी राजा ने जो फौज देहली पर चढ़ाई करने के लिए अंग्रेजों की ओर से तैयार हो रही थी, उसकी भर्ती और घोड़ों की खरीद कर मदद की और नवीं सितम्बर को वह फिर अंग्रेजी फौज से जा मिला और देहली की चढ़ाई में स्वयं शामिल हुआ।
सरकार की ओर से जिला रोहतक का प्रबन्ध राजा सरूपसिंह को सौंपा गया था और देहात के मुखियाओं, जमींदारों को हिदायत कर दी गई थी कि अपना-अपना हासिल उन्हें दे दें और रसीद भी उन्हीं से ले लें। देहली के अधिकार में आ जाने के पश्चात्, सरूपसिंह सफेदों लौट आया। उसने 25 आदमी तहसील लरसोली में काम के वास्ते छोड़े और इसी प्रकार आदमी देहली में रहने को दिए और 500 आदमियों को जनरल वान कोर्टलेण्ड के लिए हांसी को भेजा। 110 आदमी कान्हासिंह की अध्यक्षता में झझ्झर को रवाना किए और इसके सिवा 250 आदमी जींद की फौज के रोहतक में रहे और 50 गोहाना में।
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-493
इन सेवाओं के बारे में कर्नल टामसन ने लिखा था कि - “अगर राजा की रसद ऐन मौके पर न पहुंचती तो बहुत दिक्कत पेश होती। यही नहीं कि राजा ने रसद के प्रबन्ध का ही कठिन काम किया हो बल्कि देहली के हमले में उन्होंने खुद शामिल होकर सहायता की।” गवर्नर-जनरल ने 5 नवम्बर 1857 के इश्तहार में लिखा था कि - “राजा साहब जींद द्वारा की गई सेवाओं के लिए गवर्नमेण्ट हृदय से कृतज्ञ है।” यह नहीं कि राजा साहब को इस तरह धन्यवाद और कृतज्ञता प्रकाश करके ही सरकार भूल गई हो, बल्कि अन्य सरदारों की भांति जागीर भी दी अर्थात् इलाका दादरी जो नवाब दादरी से जब्त किया गया था, राजा साहब को दिया गया। जिला कुलारान के 13 गांव जो संगरूर के पास ही थे और जिनकी आमदनी 13,813 रुपये थी, राजा साहब को दिए गए और उनकी देहली में की गई सहायता की याददाश्त के लिए शहजादा मिर्जा बूबकर का जब्त मकान जो 6000 रुपया के करीब की कीमत का था, राजा साहब को दिया गया। सलामी की तोपों की तायदाद ग्यारह कर दी गई और खिलअत की किश्तें भी ग्यारह से पन्द्रह कर दी गईं। इस मौके पर राजा साहब को बहादुरी का खिताब भी मिला। राजा साहब ने मौजा बडरूखां वगैरह जिनकी उन्हें बहुत ख्वाहिश थी, 1868 में 12870 रुपया आठ आना एकमुश्त देकर जींद के अधीन कर लिया और इस तरह सरदारान बडरूखां जींद के जेलदार मातहत हो गए।
मई सन् 1860 में राजा साहब को एक सनद भी दी गई थी जिसके अनुसार उन्हें कुल अख्तियार और जो इलाके उन्हें मिले थे, उनके हक, गद्दी के अख्तियारात और जो इलाका मिल्कियत से था, वह उसमें दर्ज थे । इसके सिवा एक खास सनद उन्हें और भी दी गई थी जिसके अनुसार उनकी गैर हाजिरी में उनके वारिस इसके अधिकारी माने जायें।
पटियाला और नाभा की भांति छोटे-छोटे जागीरदारों की रियासतों के अधिकार में रहने का झगड़ा जींद में भी चला था। इसी तरह राजा नाभा और जींद का जो पुराना झगड़ा चल रह था, वह भी बढ़ रहा था। इन रियासतों में “किसका रुतवा बड़ा है?” इस पर बड़ा तूल खड़ा हो रहा था। यह बहस हद दर्जे को पहुंच गई थी और उस दरबार में जो स्थान पंजोर में लार्ड डलहौजी ने किया था मि० एडमिन्स्टन, कमिश्नर रियासत ने पटियाला को प्रथम, नाभा को द्वितीय और जींद को तीसरा नम्बर दिया था। यह सही है कि राजा साहब जींद को इससे रंज हुआ। पर उस समय जींद की आमदनी भी उतनी न था जितनी कि नाभा की। परन्तु जब 1857 के विद्रोह में राजा साहब जींद की सेवायें राजा साहब नाभा से अधिक मूल्यवान समझी गईं तो उन्हें इलाका भी अधिक मिला, जिससे रियासत की आमदनी बढ़ गई और भी ऐसे ही कारण दिखलाकर सन्
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-494
1860 के दरबार में राजा साहब जींद को विशेषता दी। पर साथ ही यह भी कहा गया कि सरकार दोनों रईसों का बराबर खयाल रखती है और एक ही नजर से दोनों को देखती है। इससे राजा साहब नाभा को बहुत दुःख हुआ और इसकी दरख्वास्त सैक्रेटरी आफ स्टेट को भेजी, पर इस बीच में राजा साहब की मृत्यु हो गई। उसके बाद भी यह मामला उठाया, पर फिर कुछ हुआ नहीं।
सरूपसिंह को इधर कई दिनों से पेचिश हो गई थी और इसी से उनके कई रोग खड़े हो गए और वे 26 जनवरी सन् 1864 को स्वर्ग सिधारे। मृत्यु के समय वाह बाजेदपुर में रहते थे। यहां एक बाग में रहने के लिए बंगला बना हुआ था। उन्होंने अंग्रेजी डाक्टरों के इलाज भी करवाए पर फायदेमन्द न हुए। यह भी कहा जाता है कि एक फकीर ने तांबे का जोश किया हुआ पानी उन्हें पिला दिया जिससे वे शीघ्र ही मर गए। मृत्यु के समय इनकी अवस्था 51 वर्ष की थी।
सरूपसिंह समयानुसार अच्छे चाल-चलन का राजा था। उसने यह देख लिया था कि बिना गवर्नमेण्ट की सहायता किए अस्तित्व कायम नहीं रह सकता और जब सहायता करने को उद्यत ही हुए तो दिल से की। लेपिल ग्रिफिन लिखता है कि - जिस समय वह जिरहवख्तर पहनकर सिपाही वेश में फौज के आगे खड़ा होता था तो उसकी सानी का कोई रईस न दिखाई देता था। सरकार की ओर से उन्हें 'स्टार आफ इण्डिया' का तमगा मिलना भी निश्चित हुआ था पर वह अम्बाला पहुंचकर इसके हासिल करने के सौभाग्य से वंचित रह गए।
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