The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/Note (D).-Miscellaneous
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The Terrors of the Moghal Helmet
[p.532]: The reader of the history of the Crusades will recognize a similar anecdote, relating to a hero more familiar to him than Daryá Khán. The chivalrous Sire de Joinville tells us, that Richard's name acted as a powerful sedative upon the children of the Saracens, and that even their very horses were presumed to start at his shadow:-
- "Le roy Richard fist tant d'armes outremer a celle foys que il y fu, que quant les chevaus aus Sarrasins avoient pouour d'aucun bisson, leur mestres leur disoient:-'Cuides tu,' fesoient ils à leurs chevaus, 'que se soit le roy Richart d'Angleterre?' Et quant les
- [p.533]: :enfans aus Sarrasins bréoient, elles leur disoient:-'Tay-toy! tay-toy! ou je irai querre le roy Richart qui te tuera.'"1
It is curious that we should learn this from a Frenchman only. Our English chroniclers, who exhaust the language of panegyric in speaking of Richard, omit this anecdote, which appears to be derived from a mere eastern mode of expressing terror.
In the passage taken from the Táríkh-i Táhirí we have not only children taking fright, but women even bringing forth prematurely, at the name of Daryá Khán. The same effect is ascribed in that work (pp. 48, 52) to the Moghal cap:-"Such fear of the Moghals fell upon both men and women, that the men lost all courage, and the women miscarried at the very sight of the Moghals with their terrific head-pieces." But the shape and feature of this alarming helmet, or Tákí, are not described. The Tuhfatu-l Kirám (p. 42) tells us that even horses started at it, as those of the Saracens at Richard of England.
We might, from the expressions used, conceive that their helmets, like those of Ulysses and some of the barbarous nations of antiquity, were covered with alarming devices of open jaws and fiery dragons, and that the Moghals in Sind stalked about,-
- tegmen torquens immane leonis, Terribili impexum setâ, cum dentibus albis,
Indutus.2
but had this been the case, we should have most probably had more frequent mention of the circumstance, especially by Khusrú, who was their prisoner, and delighted to record their hideous faces and fashions.
But neither in Khusrú, nor in any other author, do we find notice of such an helmet, or chapelle de fer, as would give rise to the fears here depicted. A good European observer of their manners merely remarks that the upper part of their casque was of iron or steel.3 The tail of hair, if it was worn according to its present dimensions,
[p.534]: might, notwithstanding its being honoured as a royalty,1 have excited surprise, and perhaps ridicule, but no alarm. From an early period, ever since the Moghal tribes were known to Europe, this appendage has naturally excited observation, just as it does now, where they border on European nations.3 Procopius4 and Priscus5 remark upon it as a peculiarity of the Huns.
It is probable that these Moghals in Sind may, in their day, have worn a head-dress, such as Rubruquis, more than two centuries before, had attributed to their women. Even at present, the Turk-man female cap is no pigmy, being higher than a military chako, over which a scarf is thrown, reaching down to the waist. But this is nothing to what it was in the time of our adventurous traveller. That was indeed calculated to inspire terror, and produce the results attributed to the Tákí. It must have been more formidable than European courts ever produced, even in the horned and steeple coiffure of the fifteenth century.
"Their women have an ornament for their heads, which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a tree. * * * It hath a square sharp spire rising from the toppe thereof, being more than a cubite in length, and fashioned like unto a pinacle. * * * * Upon the midst of the sayd spire, or square toppe, they put a bunch of quills or of slender canes, another cubite long, or more. * * * Hereupon, when such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld afar off, they seem to be souldiers with helmets on their heads, carrying their lances upright; for the sayd Botta appeareth like a helmet with a lance over it."5
This is like the fantastic fontange of Europe, raised an ell above the head, and pointed like steeples, which caused our pious preachers
[p.535]: infinite trouble, as well as missionary perambulations, for its suppression. So like, indeed, that it would really seem to be derived direct from the eastern model, but that these comical fashions are the product of no particular age or country; for even before the decline of the Empire, the Roman lady-
- "Tot premit ordinibus, tot adhuc compagibus altum
- Ædificat caput; Andromachen a fronte videbis."1
Nevertheless, when we consider that, about the time of the capture of Constantinople, Turkish turbans were all the rage in Western Europe, we may perhaps admit, that, had we not become acquainted with Tartar costume, the marvellous absurdity of the steeple-cap never could have been introduced amongst us. Paradin describes it as-"Made of certain rolls of linen pointed like steeples, about an ell in height. These were called by some, great butterflies, from having two large wings on each side, resembling those of that insect. The high cap was covered with a fine piece of lawn, hanging down to the ground, the greater part of which was tucked under the arm."2
This must evidently be the same as the Tartar Botta, and the illuminations of that period make the dimensions still more portentous, and the resemblance to the eastern original still more striking. The paysannes of Normandy have to this day preserved this monstrous extravagance for the gratification of modern eyes.3
If this was not the Alpine chapeau which spread such dismay in Sind, it may have been the lofty dark sheepskin Tilpak,4 which the Turkmans now wear, about a foot high. An exaggerated form of this would have been alarming enough to produce the effect described.
Dismounting for Combat
We find that the practice of dismounting, previous to coming to close combat, is frequently alluded to in these local histories, as being of common observance among many of the border tribes between Sind and Rájpútána.
[p.536]: Here in the Extract from the Beg-Lar-náma, at p. 293, it is the Sodhas and Ráthors who adopt it. A few pages before, we find the Jhárejas of Guzerát, who accompanied Jám Fíroz against Mirza Sháh Husain, appealing to that custom, as established among themselves; declaring that they always fought with the enemy on foot. We have seen above (p. 411) that Ráí Chach and Mahrat of Chitor contend against each other on foot; the former representing that, being a Brahman, he was unable to fight on horseback; then again mounting his horse unexpectedly, he slays his antagonist with the most deliberate treachery.
It is probable that the Ráná of Chitor would not have so readily been deceived by this insidious challenge, had it been at all opposed to the military practice of those times. Indeed, to the present day, we find Sindians, unlike most Asiatic nations, still somewhat repugnant to fighting on horseback, and priding themselves more on being foot soldiers than cavalry.
I allude in a subsequent note to the dismounting being followed by binding those fighting on the same side, one to the other, by their waistbands: but this seems to have been resorted to only in desperate circumstances, when there was no chance, or intention, of escape. The mere dismounting appears not to have been attended with any vow of self-sacrifice.
In Persian history we meet with similar instances of this dismounting to engage in single combat. Thus, after the fatal battle of Kádisíya, the Persian general, Takharján, dismounts to fight with the Arab champion, Zahír.
The practice was very common in the Middle Ages in Europe, being introduced chiefly for the purpose of obviating the inconvenience of the cumbersome armour of that period. The cavalry dismounted, leaving their horses at some distance, and combated with their lances on foot. William of Tyre (xvii. 4) says of the Emperor Conrad's cavalry, in the second Crusade:-"De equis descendentes, et facti pedites; sicut mos est Teutonicis in summis necessitatibus bellica tractare negotia." The English did the same in their engagement with the Scotch, in 1138, near North Allerton, commonly called the Battle of the Standard. Comines also (i. 3) observes upon it as a Burgundian fashion: "Entre les Bourgig-
[p.537]: nons, lors estoient les plus honorez ceux que descendoient avec les archers." In the wars of Edward III. dismounting was not uncommon; and Sir John Hawkwood, one of his knights, the famous partizan leader, disguised by contemporary writers under the name of Aucud or Agutus, introduced it into Italy. And it was, as we learn from Mon-strelet (ii. 10, 20), practised by the English in their second wars with France, especially at the battles of Crevant and Verneuil.1
Colligation in Fighting
The extraordinary custom alluded to in the Beg Lár-náma, of a devoted band tying themselves together by their waistbands, before fighting à tout outrance, is mentioned in the same terms in the Tárikh-i Sind (MS. p. 173).
"When they saw the army of the Moghals, they dismounted from their horses, took their turbans from off their heads, and binding the corners of their mantles, or outer garments, to one another, they engaged in battle; for it is the custom of the people of Hind and Sind, whenever they devote themselves to death, to descend from their horses, to make bare their heads and feet, and to bind themselves to each other by their mantles and waistbands."
These people appear most of them to have been Sammas; and it is among their descendants in Kachh that we find this curious custom again alluded to (Táríkh-i Sind, MS. p. 194), when Mirzá Sháh Husain attacked Ráí Khangár. Here we have a new feature added, of serrying shields together like a compact phalanx.
"The men under Khangár, having set themselves in battle array, dismounted from their horses, locked their shields together, seized their spears in their hands, and bound the corners of their waistbands."
The Tarkhán-náma omits all mention of the proceedings between Ráí Khangár2 and Mirzá Sháh Husain, but they are noticed in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám (MS. p. 194); and the observance of this strange practice is also there alluded to, in words similar to those quoted from the Táríkh-i Sind.
[p.538]: The dismounting from horseback, prior to actual contact in the field of battle, is mentioned in a previous note of this Appendix, and appears to have been a more common occurrence; but the colligation evidently implies desperation, even unto death.
Some barbarous nations of antiquity seem to have adopted the same practice, but more with the object, apparently, of keeping their ranks unbroken, than symbolizing any vow of self-destruction. So, at the battle of Campi Raudii, we read of the Cimbri binding them¬selves together by long chains run through their belts, avowedly for the purpose of maintaining an unbroken line.1 There is good reason to suppose that the Soldurii of Gaul and the Comites of Germany showed their devotion occasionally in a similar fashion.2
Even as late as the days of chivalry, we find a resort to the same singular mode of showing a desperate resolve to die in the field. See what the heroic king of Bohemia, together with his faithful and devoted companions did at the glorious battle of Creçy:- "The valyant kynge of Behaygne (Bohemia), called Charles of Luzenbourge, sonne to the noble Emperour Henry of Luzenbourge, for all that he was nyghe blynde, whan he vnderstode the order of the batayle, he sayde to them about hym, "Where is the lorde Charles, my sonne." His men sayde, "Sir, we can nat tell; we thynke he be fightynge." Than he sayde, "Sirs, ye ar my men, my companyons, and frendes in this iourney; I requyre you bring me so farre forwarde, that I may stryke one stroke with my swerde." They sayde they wolde do his commaundement; and to the intent that they shulde not lese hym in the prease, they tyed all their raynes of their bridelles eche to other, and sette the kynge before to accom-plysshe his desyre, and so they went on their ennemyes. The lord Charles of Behaygne, his sonne, who wrote hymselfe Kynge of Be-haygne, and bare the armes, he cam in good order to the batayle; but whan he sawe that the matter went awrie on their partie, he departed, I can nat tell you whiche waye. The kynge, his father, was so farre forewarde, that he strake a stroke with his swerde, ye and mo than foure, and fought valyantly, and so dyde his company; and
[p.539]: they adventured themselfe so forewarde, that they were ther all slayne; and the next day they were founde in the place about the kynge, and all their horses tyed eche to other."1
A curious instance occurred even lately, when Muhammad 'Ali gained his victory over the Wahábís at Bissel. Several bodies of the Azir Arabs, who had sworn by the oath of divorce, not to turn their backs on the Turks, were found by the victors tied together by the legs, with the intent of preventing each other from running away, and in that unbroken and desperate line of battle were literally cut to pieces.2
Barge, an Arabic word
The term used by Biládurí to represent a vessel of war is Bárija. He uses the same word, in the plural, in speaking of the vessels which were captured by the Meds, on their voyage from Ceylon to to the Persian Gulf, an act of piracy which led to the Arab conquest of Sind (supra, p. 118).
Bírúní says also, a century later, that the Bawárij are established at Kachh and Somnát, and are so called because they devote themselves to the pursuit of piracy, in ships which are called Bera (supra, p. 65).* This is a native word still in use for a boat, but the origin of the term Bawárij must be sought, not in the Indian Bera, but rather in the Arabic Bárija, which Golius, on the authority of the Kámús, tells us to mean a large vessel of war.4
From the same source our English Barge seems to be derived, which, though at first view it may appear rather a startling assertion, will perhaps be admitted, when we see how our best etymologists have failed in their endeavours to trace its real origin. Johnson (Todd) says it is derived from old French Barje, or Barge, and Low-Latin Barga. He should have ascertained whence the French Barje is itself derived. Tooke says, Barge is a strong boat, and Bark is a stout vessel, derived from the past participle of
[p.540]: beorgan, "to protect," "to strengthen."1 Crabb says from Barca.2 Richardson, from the Gothic bairgan, "to fortify." Webster, from Dutch Bargie. Palgrave tells us that the piratical boats of the Danes were called Barga and Barka;3 and Barca is used by the Monk Abbo, in his unpolished poem (A.D. 891) on the siege of Paris by the Normans.
- Barcas per flumina raptant.4
But we have no occasion to look for any connection between our words Bark and Barge. The former is confessedly an old word, the latter comparatively modern. The former is, indeed, much older than even the Danish or Norman piracies. Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, who died A.D. 431, applies it thus:-
- Ut mea salubri Barca perfugio foret
- Puppis superstes obrutæ.5
In consequence of its use by Byzantine authors, altered into Bαλκα by Nicetas,6 Salmasius and J. C. Scaliger have sought for a Grecian origin of the word, and the latter finds it in Bάρος, quasi, "a ship of burden."7 Others, again, say from "Barca, a city of Africa;" and Roderic of Toledo, from "Barco, a city of Spain."8
Our more immediate concern, however, is with Barge, respecting which it is obvious to remark, that, though its present use is confined to fluviatile transits and pageantries-whether for the conveyance of coals or cockneys, merchandize or Lord Mayors-it was, on its first introduction, designed for higher purposes. Our oldest writers apply it solely to sea-going craft. Thus Chaucer:-
- He knew wel alle the havens, as they were, Fro' Gotland to the Cape de Finistere, :And every creke in Bretagne and in Spaine:
- His barge ycleped was the Magdelaine.8
[p.541]: Even as late as the fifteenth century, the great Swedish ship of 1000 tons burden was called the King's barge;1 and the largest vessel hitherto built in Scotland was called the Bishop's barge.2 But what is more to the purpose is, that we do not find mention of the word till the Crusades had introduced it, through the Arabic language, into our vocabulary,3 and then only as a large ship, used chiefly on military expeditions. So, in the very old Romance of Richard Cœur de Lion:-
- Among you partes4 every charge.
- I brought in shippes and in barge,
- More gold and silver with me,
- Than has your lord and swilke5 three.
Again, a little further on:-
- Against hem comen her navey,
- Cogges,6 and dromounds,7 many galley,
- Barges, schoutes, and trayeres fele,8
- That were charged with all weal,
- With armour, and with other vitail,
- That nothing in the host should fail.9
Coupling this early and distinctive use of the term with the fact of its being first used during the Holy Wars, and with the unsatisfactory guesses of our lexicographers, we may safely conclude that the English Barge is no other than the Arabic Bárija, however much it may now be diverted from the original design of its invention.