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ravichaudhary
February 13th, 2003, 09:42 PM
From: "adhin88 <adhin88@hotmail.com>" <adhin88@hotmail.com>
Date: Thu Feb 13, 2003 4:51 am
Subject: Re: Nonica Datta




And another one:


CASTE IN INDIAN POLITICS
A case study of Rajasthan
by Nonica Datta
The Tribune (India)Wednesday, September 1, 1999

THE spectre of caste has increasingly come to haunt Indian politics. Caste, wrote the noted social anthropologist M.N. Srinivas, "is so tacitly and so completely accepted by all, including those most vocal in condemning that it is everywhere the unit of social action." Even though the role of caste is often decried as a fissiparous threat to national unity in some quarters, it is much more widely lauded as a channel of communication, representation, and leadership which links the mass electorate to the democratic political processes.


Caste as a factor in Indian politics is not new, though the resurgence of the OBC movement is of comparatively recent origin and can be traced to the process of "Mandalisation" initiated by Mr V.P. Singh. With the backward caste movement gaining momentum throughout the country thereafter, the upwardly mobile Jats in Rajasthan have also joined the race to secure access to the levers of power and patronage through reservations.

The recent developments in this state, particularly on the eve of the elections, is a pointer to the strength of the backward caste movement in Rajasthan.


The demand for reservations affects the upper caste Hindus more than any other segment of society. Hence the organised opposition in Rajasthan, as indeed elsewhere, to the Jats' demand for an OBC status. No wonder, the Congress, having recovered the ground it had lost to the BJP, is sensitive to the upper caste backlash. But, in the process, it has alienated the Jats, who had hitched their fortunes with the Congress in the recent Assembly elections.

The recently concluded All-India Jat Mahasabha in Jaipur, chaired by the former wrestler Dara Singh, has lashed out at the Congress for its "betrayal." The presence of Mr Kanshi Ram, Mr Ajit Singh and Mr Tariq Anwar lent much political weight to what was reportedly a massive gathering. The message emanating from the meeting was "No quota, no vote". "If Khatis, Charans, Sunars and Darzis are declared as backward, why not us", stated Mr Dharamvir, an IAS officer, spearheading the present agitation.


Historians and political scientists have plotted the trajectory of the Jats in the plains of North-West India, comprising the states of Rajasthan, Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh. But much less is known about their counterparts in Rajasthan, whose origin and history, though documented during the colonial period, is still shrouded in mystery. Part of the reason for this neglect is that the Jats in the region, once the stronghold of princely states and feudal barons, did not produce a high-profiled leadership either in the Mewar or Marwar region. Nobody acquired the stature of Sir Chhotu Ram, who in the 1920s, and 30s, created among the Jat peasantry in Punjab an awareness of the importance of its collective strength.


Following the reorganisation of the states, the Rajasthan Jat Maha-sabha, an offshoot of the All-India Jat Mahasabha founded in 1905, followed in the footsteps of Sir Chhotu Ram. Local and regional Jat leaders, some of whom allied themselves with the Congress, staked their claims through a well-organised campaign. They gained some advantages from their alliance, but the Congress, wary of alienating its upper caste constituency, has been reluctant to go far enough to fulfil their aspirations. The latest burst of anger against the Congress in fulfilling its commitment to Jats has been expressed by three Congress leaders, including a former Union Minister, who have recently defected to Mr Sharad Pawar's Nationalist Congress Party.


Given their past and recent experiences, one can understand why the Jats insist on being included in the OBC list. Their chief grievance is that they have neither prospered during the long years of Congress rule nor found adequate representation in the bureaucratic or institutional structures. Though some among them have done well in the countryside, the Rajput jagirdari elite continues to enjoy monopoly on land ownership and the symbols and rituals of social deference. In some areas the Rajputs exercise the right to decide on and enforce public rules.


In the 1920s and 30s the Kisan Sabhas in Rajasthan organised largescale agitations against the predominance of the upper castes, indeed, their role was critical in mobilising important segments of rural society. The Arya Samaj movement, though based in Punjab, was also a catalyst of change and modernisation in Rajasthan. Prominent Sadhus, including Swami Keshwa-nand and Karmanand, and religious bards toured Jat villages preaching and singing of social reform, of the inequities of the existing order, and of the righteousness of the cause of social purification and change. They helped to foster a strong Jat consciousness in a politically benign region.


Despite the pioneering role of the Arya Samaj, there is still strong resistance to any radical restructuring of the power equations. Balbir Singh, an elderly Delhi-based Jat activist, insists that the social barriers inherent in the caste hierarchy have not been broken. Many others like him want a share in the symbols of social dominance. I was told by a journalist from Nagaur, an important centre in Marwar and a citadel of Jats, "that it is still uncommon for Jats to ride elephants or any beast of burden before the hearths of prestigious Rajputs." The point is well taken. The caste structures in Rajasthan are, to a large extent, intact. More importantly, the political and economic aspirations of the Jats have not been fulfilled in a region where progress has been slow and tardy.


The strength of a community (jati) lies in its representation in the government and the profession. This is where the Jats of Rajasthan feel left out. "Discrimination against us is rampant. This is the cause of our community's backwardness", observed Balbir Singh. Harendra Mirdha, son of senior Congress leader Ram Niwas Mirdha, underlines the backwardness of Jat peasantry in Western Rajasthan. According to him, the creamy layer formula should be applied in the case of reservations so that the facility benefits the most deserving.


It is difficult to foretell which way the wind is blowing: Mrs Sonia Gandhi's decision to cancel her tour of Rajasthan last month and the continuing debate in the media over the status of Jats, is symptomatic of deep fissures in the Congress over the issue of including Jats in the OBC category. But one thing is for sure. What is being echoed today on the streets of Jaipur and Jodhpur is nothing new. Long ago, Sir Chhotu Ram had made strenuous efforts to unite the Jats of Punjab, Western UP and Rajasthan, he even found in the sacred Pushkar Lake a powerful symbol of Jat unity. It was he who secured for them, though in a limited way, the status of a backward community. It was he who sensitised them to the importance of harnessing their energies to create a Jat front.


Today, what is being demanded by the Jats of Rajasthan may be seen as a serious threat to the upper caste hegemony. But the fact is that the backward caste movements have come off age in Rajasthan, as indeed in other states. It would thus be foolhardy to disregard or take lightly their relentless quest for socio-economic empowerment and a greater share in power structures.


In effect, political parties, having shed some of their past inhibitions and broadened their social base will have to discover effective ways of accommodating the interests of the Jats and the other backward castes in Rajasthan and elsewhere. In the long run, this must surely be on every party's agenda for the next millennium. Mr Ashok Gehlot, the Chief Minister, should be able to read the writing on the wall if he wants to secure the support of the Jats who can influence the result of 18 Lok Sabha seats in the September elections. How he deals with the rest of the OBC bloc, which is 26 per cent of the population, is a million dollar question.

(The writer teaches history at Miranda House, University of Delhi.)

lrburdak
February 20th, 2003, 05:23 PM
Author has very rightly described the caste system in Rajasthan. I come fom Churu distict of Rajasthan. Feudalism in Rajasrhan was very strong before independence and its roots are still there. In my own village as a boy I saw stratification amongst castes even for drinking water.There was only one well in the village for drinking water.There were three tanks attached with the well. Top most tank for Rajputs, next lower tank for backwardcastes and lowest one for Harijans,to take drinking water from the well. Brahmans did not take water from the well with others they used to take water out separately after washing every thing.
Things are not very different to-day. Now they have fixed separate taps for different castes.
A dalit can not cross the thresshold of house of upper caste person.
Social barriers are very strong in Rajasthan.
Politically Jats have been alligned mostly with Congress but it appears now they have started thinking in other directions also.
L.R.Burdak