The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/IV. Táríkhu-s Sind, of Mír Ma'súm
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Sir H. M. Elliot, Edited by John Dowson, 1867, Volume I
Contents
Introduction
THIS is the most copious history of Sind which we possess, inasmuch, as besides containing an account of the Arabian conquest, it brings the annals of this country down to the time of its incorporation into the Moghul empire in the time of Akbar.
The work, which is sometimes called Táríkh-i M'asúmí, is divided into four chapters.
The first chapter contains an account of the events which led to the conquest of Sind by the Arabs, and closes with the death of Rájá Dáhir, though it professes to carry the history down to the Khalífa Hárún.
The second chapter, after omitting all notice of the two centuries which elapsed between Hárún and Mahmúd of Ghazní, gives an account of Sind under the Emperors of Dehli, and of the Súmra and Samma dynasties, after the invasion of Tímúr. The author mentions at the close of the chapter that he was induced to give an account of the Súmras and Sammas in detail, because it was to be found nowhere else. But his own is much confused from his inattention to dates.
The third chapter is devoted to the history of the Arghúnia dynasty, including an account of Síwí, Kandahár, &c.; of some celebrated holy men, judges, and Saiyids, and of the kings of
[p.212]: Multán. It also contains an account, in more than usual detail, of the Emperor Humáyún's operations in Sind and the desert, after his flight from Agra.
The fourth chapter contains a tedious relation of the mode in which Sind fell under the power of Akbar upon the capitulation of Mírzá Jání Beg of Thatta, in A.D. 1592. We have also occasional notices of the interference of the Firingís in the affairs of Thatta. As the author was contemporary with this event, he enters into very minute particulars, which are, however, for the most part, uninteresting. Amongst his own personal experiences, he describes an interview he had with the Emperor Akbar, who bestowed on him three villages in Jágír, in the district of Bhakkar.
Muhammad M'asúm, who gave himself the poetical title of Námí, was born at Bhakkar, in Sind, and was the son of Safáyí Husainí, an inhabitant of Kirmán. [He was a man of consider¬able attainments, and he rose to some distinction in the service of Akbar and Jahángír. His knowledge of history was highly esteemed in his own day. He was also a poet of some repute, and an excellent caligraphist.1] His history of Sind was written in A.D. 1600, for the instruction and improvement of his son, named Mír Buzurg, in order that, "by reading it he might learn what good men of old did; that he might discriminate between right and wrong; between that which is useful and the reverse, and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men."
The only work quoted by him as an authority is the Chach-náma, which he abridges in his first chapter, relating to the Arab conquest of Sind. He is credulous and delights in recounting miracles of saints, but he gives no legendary lore like the Tuhfatu-l Kirám. Mír M'asúm and his work have been noticed by several writers: by Badáúní (under article "Námí") by Haidar Rází, the Ma-ásíru-l Umrá, the Tuhfatu-l Kírám, Bágh-Mání and Mirát-i Daulat 'Abbási.2
[p.214]: [Copies of this history are common.1 There are two in the British Museum, one of which was transcribed from a copy made from the author's own autograph. There is another in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which has been fully described by Morley in his Catalogue; a fourth in the Library of the East India Office, and there is a copy in Sir H. Elliot's Library which was written for him in 1852. This copy and that of the R. As. Soc. have been used for the following translations, and are referred to as MSS. A. and B.]
[At the end of Sir H. Elliot's copy, there is a brief history of Sind in "three distinct chapters." It is written in the same hand and bears the same date as the rest of the MS. Though occupying only nineteen pages, it gives a summary of the history of Sind, to the end of the last century-from Ráí Síharas, down to Ahmad Sháh Dúrání. The author's name is not given, but the contents are generally in accordance with the history of M'asúm.]
This work has been translated by Capt. G. Malet, late British Resident at Khairpur, but so literally, as not to be fit for publication in its present shape. [There is a copy of this translation in Sir H. Elliot's library, which, on examination, is found to contain matter that is entirely absent from all the five MSS. above specified. One long passage quoted hereafter, relates to the Súmra dynasty, the history of which is involved in considerable obscurity. The additional names it supplies, receive some support from the "Tuhfatu-l Kirám," but nothing corroborative has been found in the other Sindian histories. There is some apparent similarity between the general style of the history and that of the additional matter. Like Mír M'asúm, the writer always employs some figurative expression for the death of a prince, but this is a practice very common among historians, and the style may have been
[p.215]: designedly imitated, so that the resemblance affords no evidence of authenticity. The general concurrence of the MSS. and the authority of the British Museum MS. is sufficient to stamp the passage as an interpolation-though there appears to be some authority for its statements. Morley, in his Catalogue, notices an interpolation in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which comes in abruptly within a few lines of the end of the history. He says, "After this, in the present MS. there is an account of Dúda, who was ruler of Thattha in the time of Násiru-d dín Mahmúd, King of Dehli, occupying six pages. In the East India House MS. (No. 43) this is omitted; the history ending immediately after the capitulation of Jání Beg, and stating in four lines that he died in A.H. 1011 (A.D. 1602), and was succeeded in his government by his son Mírza 'Ásí. The MS. in the British Museum (Addit. No. 16,700), agrees with that of the East India House in this respect," and with Sir H. Elliot's. Dúda is the name of one of the princes given in Malet's additional passage, but the matter of these pages differs from his.]
Sir H. Elliot's copy contains 290 folios of fourteen lines each, and of these about forty-five have been translated.
Book II: Account of the Samma dynasty
IT has been already related how Sultán Mahmúd came from Ghazní, and after capturing the fort of Multán, brought the country of Sind under his authority, and sent his officers to govern it. After the death of Mahmúd, the sovereignty passed to his offspring, and the government (of Sind) devolved upon 'Abdu-r Rashíd Sultan Mas'úd. This prince gave himself up to the pursuit of pleasure, and heeded not the duties of government; so the people on the distant borders began to reject his authority and throw off the yoke of obedience. At that time the men of Súmra assembled in the
[p.216]: vicinity of Tharí1 and raised a man named Súmra2 to the throne. He had passed a long time as the head of the tribe of Súmra, and he cleared the country of disaffection. This man formed a connection with Sád, a powerful Zamíndár in those parts, and married his daughter. She bore him a son named Bhúngar, who on the death of his father succeeded to the hereditary states, and died after an active reign.
His son named Dúdá then inherited the throne, and reigned for some years. He extended his authority to Nasrpúr, but died in the flower of his age. He left an infant son name Singhár and a daughter named Tárí, who for a time carried on the government and kept the people under her control. When Singhár came of age he himself assumed the government, and looked after the affairs of the revenue and the State, punishing all men who were disaffected and rebellious. He directed his efforts against the country of Kachh and extended his sway as far as Mánik Bai.3 Some years after this he died, leaving no son; but his wife, named Hamún, carried on the government in the fort of Dahak, and she deputed her brothers to govern Muhammad Túr and Tharí. A short time after this the brethren of Dúdá, who were hidden in that neighbourhood, came forth and opposed the brethren of Hamún. One of them, named Pitthú,4 a descendant of Dúdá, was supported by a body of followers. He overthrew all those who set up pretensions to the throne, and established himself in the sovereignty. After reigning some years, he died, when a man named Khairá carried on the business of the State, and made himself remarkable for his virtues. He reigned for some years to the time of his death.
[Malet's MS. translation proceeds as follows for seven pages, inter¬polating matter not to be found in any of the five MSS. examined, as previously stated in page 214.]
"With the occurrence of the Amírs, Khafíf succeeded him, and sat on the throne of the kingdom. Having made good arrangements
[p.217]: for the country in his hands, he with heart at ease went and remained at Thatta. During his government the ryots and all the other people of Sind were relieved from thieves and disturbers of the peace; all were happy and contented. By chance it one day came into his mind that it was not proper for him to be always merely sitting on the throne, that it was better to spend some time in the shikárgáhs, the jungles, and plains, which had become green from rain, and where the animals were grazing happily. After this, having collected many men, he marched against the Bulúchís, the Sodhas, and the Jharejas. On reaching their borders, Ran Mal Sodha, Rám Ráí Jhareja, and Mihran Bulúch, being introduced by the Amírs and other men of weight, came and made great offerings. Khafíf, presenting them with handsome presents in return, made them very happy. He then gave them their dismissal.
"He proposed returning to Thatta the following morning, but at that time a Bulúch came complaining that the thieves of the tribe of Samma had plundered his tribe, taking everything they possessed. On hearing this Khafíf was much astonished, and at the instant mounting with those who were with him he started and quickly came against this tribe. He took all the property which had been robbed from the Bulúchís, and those men who had disobeyed orders and acted in this manner he punished with severity. His arrangements were such in all the country under him, from Kachh to Nasrpúr, that in the whole of that space no one during his reign disobeyed his orders; if they did so, he gave them to the sword. When he found that there were none to give trouble, he was at ease and came to Thatta. In his time all the people, the soldiers, the Amírs, the ryots, etc., were very happy. He lived a long while at Thatta, till from this world he journeyed to the next world.
"After the death of Khafíf, the people, the men of weight under government, and those out of employ, agreeing that it was proper, raised Dúdá, the son of Umar, and grandson of Pitthú, to the throne of the saltanat in his place. When all the affairs of the State were firm in his hands, Singhár, a zamíndár, came to pay his yearly taxes. He became acquainted with Dúdá. This
[p.218]: had lasted some time, when one day he spoke of Kachh in the following terms, in his presence, saying that he had heard that the Samma tribe had determined to come to Thatta to take it, and that he should be prepared for this. On hearing this, Dúdá, collecting forces out of number, marched to Kachh, and he severely twisted the ears of those people. Then a man of the Samma tribe named Lákha came as ambassador, bringing presents, and a Kachhí horse, making offering of these, and asking pardon for their sins. Dúdá, with great kindness, gave him presents in money, a horse, and a khil'at, allowing him then to depart. From thence, with heart at rest, he came to Tharí, where he spent a long time. All the people and ryots were so completely under his hands, that without orders from him they did nothing. When at Tharí, Ran Mal Sodha came, and making his salám, urged as a petition, that in the time of Khafíf the Jat Bulúchís paid tribute, but that now it seemed that they, through ignorance, had taken their heads from out of the noose of submission. He added, that having heard of this he made him (Dúdá) acquainted with it, and that it seemed advisable that a force should be put under him, which he would take against them, and thus, making them pay up their arrears of tribute from the days of Khafíf to the present time, he would bring it to him. The reason of his speaking in this way was, that formerly a feud existed between him (Ran Mal) and the Jharejas, when a fight had taken place between the parties, in which great numbers of Ran Mal's men had been killed and wounded, so he told as above to Dúdá to enable him to have his revenge upon them. Dúdá being of a good heart, gave him encouragement, keeping him near him. He also sent to call the men of Jhareja. When his messengers got there, and told what Ran Mal had said, they came before them with their swords suspended from round their necks, making their salám, and declaring that they and all their families were the slaves of Dúdá, and if he ordered them all to be confined they would not ask the reason why. Then taking presents for Dúdá they came to him in one week. The messengers who accompanied them having received good treatment at their hands, spoke in their favour. Dúdá said to Ran Mal, 'These men
[p.219]: having great confidence, have sent only two of their tribe, and these have come to make their salám; you told me another story.' Dúdá for some time detained Ran Mal on the plea of its being the rainy season; but in Ran Mal's breast that thorn pricked him, so one day with great earnestness he insisted upon being allowed to depart, when Dúdá gave him leave, and he went to his tribe. On getting there he became rebellious. Seeing this, Rám Ráí Jhareja and Mihrán Bulúch, quickly going to Dúdá, told him of this circumstance. It came into Dúdá's mind that probably these men were doing what Ran Mal had done; therefore he determined in the first place to send two men to Ran Mal, who, ascertaining all the facts, might come and tell him. He despatched two men, at the time of whose arrival at the tribe Ran Mal was absent, he having gone to the jungle, to collect troops. His brethren did not pay the messengers any attention, speaking improperly before them. Ran Mal hearing of the arrival of these, came and sat down with them in a friendly manner, but he shortly after spoke in an unbecoming way. When Dúdá's men said it was not right to talk in that way, that he had better cease collecting men, and go to Dúdá, when if he had anything to complain of he might do so to him. But however much they advised, it had no effect upon him; so Dúdá's people rising, left him, and returning told all the circumstances to Dúdá. He, hearing of this, collected many troops, and went against this people. Ran Mal, having also got together a large force, came out into the plain. The two parties met and fought for six hours, at which time the men of both sides stood resolute. Many had fallen in that time of either party. Being exhausted, and night coming on, all the men sat down where they stood, spending the time in planning operations for the morrow. In the morning the two forces recommenced fighting, when by chance an arrow struck Ran Mal in the throat, and his life went to hell. Great fear then took possession of his troops, because an army without a sardár is like a man without a head; so they turned their faces in the direction of flight, when Dúdá's men, pursuing them, slew great numbers, and plundered extensively. The force being put to flight, Ráí Sing and Jag Mal
[p.220]: came as ambassadors, bringing presents to Dúdá, and they obtained forgiveness of their faults.
"Dúdá after this went to Nasrpúr, the Zamíndárs, chief men and kázís of which place brought him presents, and Dúdá, accepting these, remained there some time, during which period Sáhiba, the son of Ran Mal Sodha, brought two fine Kachhí horses as an offering and paid his respects to him. He declared that his brethren had induced Ran Mal to turn his heart from and become rebellious against him (Dúdá), so much so that these men were even now disobedient, and that if a force went from the Sarkár and punished them they would not do so again, but would always bring presents. Dúdá upon this left Nasrpúr and by forced marches came there, but after doing so he discovered that the brethren of Ran Mal and others would not agree to have Sáhiba as their sardár, so he understood that it was on this account that he had brought him there. Dúdá then summoned all the tribe, telling them to agree to have Sáhiba as their chief with all their hearts. By this order they agreed to do so when Sáhiba presented Rs.20,000 as nazráná. Dúdá marching thence came to Thatta, remaining there. From thence he travelled to that other world.
"On the death of Dúdá his son Umar1 with the aid of the nobles and other men of courage sat on the throne. When his father's country came into his hands he took to drinking wine, paying no attention to the country. On hearing this the Sammas, the Sodhas, the Jats and Bulúchís left off obeying his orders, becoming rebellious. When Mullá Hámid heard of this he told Umar of it, who collecting a large force went towards Kachh. On his approach the Sammas having collected many men, went out into the plain to meet him. There was fighting in which the men of Samma were the strongest. Seeing this, and that his affairs would be ruined, Mullá Hámid called the sardárs, to whom he gave presents, saying, "Thatta is far distant, money is scarce, if you fight well and defeat the enemy, much property will come into our possession, which will be enough to enable us to return to Thatta." Hearing this the spirits of his force
[p.221]: were raised, and making an attack on the enemy they defeated them, when much plunder of every kind came into their hands. After this the men of Samma bringing Rájá Jagannáth Sodha (who had quitted his brethren in anger and had come to Kachh), as their mediator, came to Umar, making their salám and bringing presents. Umar returning from thence quickly went against the Sodhas, Jats, and Bulúchis; all of whom fearing the consequences, made their salám. He then with confidence in his heart went to Tharí, where he died.
"At this time his son Dúdá was small; therefore the men of consequence put Chanar, the son of Umar's brother, in his place. Chanar went out to make his arrangements in his country. Having done this and placed the troublesome on the edge of the sword, his heart being at ease he sat down. At that time Dúdá attained puberty, so Chanar wished, by some stratagem, to get him into his hands and to confine him. But hearing of this Dúdá turned his face towards Ghazní, and crossing the river he came to a place Daryácha Nárí Sang, close under Fath-pur, where he saw a man coming along with a bundle of sticks for hukka snakes, on his head. As this man drew near all his entrails became visible to Dúdá. At this he was much astonished; so calling the man to him, he lifted the bundle of pipes off his head, when nothing of the kind was to be seen. So being greatly amazed he put the bundle on the man's head again, when he beheld as before. He then knew that there must be some device in these sticks, and he purchased them, giving the man some money for them. Then sitting down at the river's edge, he put the sticks one by one into the water. All went down with the stream; but one from amongst them went upwards against it. So taking this one, he divided it at all the knots; he then put each knot into the water. All of them went down the stream, except one, in which the device was, and this one went up against the current. So taking this one he kept it, and went to Ghazní. At that time the king of that place, Sultán Maudúd Sháh, was ill from severe sickness, which was without cure. So on his arrival there, Dúdá gave out that he was a doctor. Historians write that Sultán Maudúd's sickness was
[p.222]: caused in this manner. One day he went to see a shikárgáh under some hills, when by chance an animal started from before him. It was then the custom that whoever an animal started in front of he alone pursued it. So in accordance with this custom, the Sultán rode after this animal alone for a long distance, but did not kill it. From this exertion great thirst and hunger came upon him; so searching about he found a stream of water near the foot of the hills. Having no cup or basin with him, being helpless, he put his mouth into the water and drank, when in doing so he swallowed two small young snakes, which went down into and remained in his stomach. In two years these had grown large, and began causing him much pain. All the doctors of the country had physicked him, but none of them could make him well. The Sultán was approaching to death, when at that time Dúdá arrived, saying, he was a doctor, and that he had come from Sind to cure the king with his physic. The royal physicians hearing this, laughed, saying, 'What wisdom has this Sindian, that he should say he was able to give medicine to the king?' One of the attendants told the king of the arrival of this Sindian, and how the royal doctors laughed at him. The Sultán hearing of this, called and received him with distinction, saying, he had suffered from this sickness for a long time, that many doctors had given him medicine, but all without effect: but now that he (the Sindian) had come, he was in hopes that he might get well by his physic. Then Dúdá, stripping the Sultán, placed that stick on his head, when he saw that two snakes were in his stomach. Then removing the stick, he told the Sultán he understood what was the matter with him, and that it was a very bad disease. He added that if the Sultán would give him a written document to the effect that if he died while under his care no blame should attach to him, that he would give him medicine. The Sultán at once wrote such a document, and putting his seal to it, gave it to Dúdá. Then Dúdá did not give the Sultán anything to eat for two days. On the third day, tying up his eyes, he placed the stick on his head, and having got two small fine iron hooks he tied a silken line to them, and wrapping them up in bread, he gave one to the Sultán, who,
[p.223]: having swallowed it, he (Dúdá) saw a snake take it. When he saw that it was well in the mouth of one of the snakes, he pulled it up and brought it out. Then again he did the same, and in like manner he took the other from out of the royal stomach. In about an hour the Sultán felt much relieved, so untying his eyes, Dúdá showed him the two snakes, when being very happy the Sultán said, 'Ask from me what you wish.' Then Dúdá said, 'I am a chief, but by his superior strength Chanar has taken away my father's country, and on this account I have come here. If the king will give me a force, I will take my revenge on him.' On hearing this the Sultán gave orders to collect a force, and when it was ready he gave it to him. When this army approached Thatta, being unable to meet it, Chanar sat down in the fort, which being surrounded on all sides by the royal troops, they took into their hands the implements for breaking down forts, and fighting commenced. For twelve days they fought together in this manner, after which the wind of victory struck the standards of the royal troops, and Chanar and many of his men were given to the sword. Those who escaped the sword ran away and dispersed. By taking this fort much wealth and property fell into the hands of those people.
"When Dúdá, the son of Umar, sat on the throne of his father, this force returned to Ghazní. He reigned many years with strength and wisdom. Afterwards, by this order, 'Every life will drink the sherbet of death,' Dúdá drank the sherbet of mortality at the hands of the cup-bearer of Death. He took the apparatus of his life to the living world."
After him a person named Armíl ascended the throne. He was a tyrant and an oppressor, and the people, disgusted with his violence, resolved to dethrone and slay him. Some men of the tribe of Samma had previously come from Kachh and had settled in Sind, where they formed alliances with the people of the country. In this tribe there was a man named Unar distinguished for intelligence. The chief men of the country brought him secretly into the city, and in the morning a party of them entered into the house of Armíl,
[p.224]:slew him, and placed his head over the gate of the city. The assembled people then placed Unar on the throne.
Jám Unar,1 son of Bábiniya.
Jám Unar with the assent of the nobles thus became King, and the great body of the people supported him. He led an expedition against Siwistán, then governed by Malik, the representative of the Turk kings.2 Reaching the vicinity of Siwistán he drew up his army in battle array; Malik Ratan also came out of the fort with his force, and the battle began. In the first contest Jám Unar was defeated, but his brothers came up to his assistance, and he renewed the fight. Malik Ratan, in galloping his horse, was thrown to the ground, and Jám Unar cut off his head. The fort of Siwistán then fell into Unar's power. Malik Firoz and 'Ali Sháh Turk were at this time in the vicinity of Bhakkar, and they wrote a letter to Jám Unar to the following effect. "This boldness is unbecoming, so now prepare to meet the royal army, and make a brave stand." These words took effect upon him, and he proceeded to Tharí.3 He then fell ill and died after reigning three years and six months. Some writers relate that after Jam Unar returned from the conquest of Siwistán, he was one night engaged drinking wine in a convivial party, when news was brought of a party of rebels having risen against him. He instantly sent against them Gáhar, son of Tamáchí, who was his vakíl. Gáhar was drunk when he encountered them and was made prisoner. The enemy held him captive, and Jám Unar kept up his carouse without heeding the captivity of his officer. This rankled in the breast of Gáhar, and when he escaped, by a well-contrived stratagem, from the clutches of his captors, he turned away from Jám Unar and went to the fort of Bhakkar. There he had an interview with 'Alí Sháh Turk, who in concert with Malik Fíroz, raised a force and slew Jám Unar in the fort of Bahrámpúr. Malik Fíroz was left in command of the fort, and 'Alí Sháh returned home. Three days afterwards Jám Unar's followers
[p.225]: managed by craft and stratagem to kill both Gáhar son of Tamáchí and Malik Fíroz.
Jám Júna son of Bábiniya. After the death of Jám Unar, Júna, of the tribe of Samma, received the title of Jám. He conceived the design of subduing all Sind. Showing great kindness and attention to his brethren and other relatives, he appointed them to further his designs upon the country. These men crossed (the river) at the village of Talahtí, and began to kill the people and lay waste the villages and towns of Bhakkar. Two or three desperate fights ensued between the Sammas and the chiefs of Bhakkar, but as the Turks were unable to withstand the Sammas they withdrew from the fort of Bhakkar and retired to Úch. When Jám Júna heard of their retreat, he proceeded to Bhakkar, and for some years reigned supreme over Sind. But at length Sultán 'Aláu-d dín appointed his brother, Ulugh Khán to the district of Multán. Ulugh Khán then sent Táj Káfúri and Tátár Khán to oppose Jám Júna in Sind, but before their arrival the Jám died of quinsey. He had reigned thirteen years. The forces of 'Aláu-d dín took possession of the Bhakkar and then directed their efforts against Siwistán.
Jám Tamáchí (and Jám Khairu-d dín).
This prince ascended his hereditary throne with the assent of the nobles. The army of 'Aláu-d din after some fighting, took him prisoner, and carried him with his family prisoners to Dehli. There he had children.1 But the Samma tribe brought them to Tharí, and keeping them prisoners took the business of government into their own hands, and exerted themselves in carrying on the affairs of the State. After the lapse of some time and the death of Jám Tamáchí, his son Malik Khairu-d dín, who, in infancy, had gone to Dehli with his father, returned to Sind and assumed the government. Shortly afterwards, Sultán Muhammad Sháh proceeded to Guzerát by way of Sind, and summoned Jám Khairu-d dín to his presence. But
[p.226]: the Jám had endured the hardships of prison, and resolutely refused to comply. Sultán Muhammad Sháh, son of Tughlik Sháh, died in the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. After his death, Sultán Fíroz Sháh succeeded under the will of the late king, and by hereditary right.1 He departed from Sin, a dependency of Siwistán, for his capital, Dehli; and Jám Khairu-d dín, after following him some stages from that place, turned back. The Sultán kept this fact in mind. After the departure of the Sultán, Khairu-d dín exerted himself in administering justice and in improving the condition of the people. The following story is told of one of the remarkable incidents in the life of this benevolent prince.
One day he went out for exercise with a party of attendants and servants, and by chance discovered a quantity of human bones in a hole. He drew rein, and looking at those decaying relics, asked his followers if they knew what the bones told him. On their hanging their heads and keeping silence, he said, "These are the remains of injured men, and they cry for justice." He immediately directed his attention to an investigation of the facts. So he called to his presence an old man to whom the land belonged, and questioned him about the bones. The old man said, "Seven years ago, a caravan which had come from Guzerát, was plundered and the travellers killed by such and such a tribe, who still hold a good deal of the spoil." As soon as he heard this the Jám directed the property to be gathered together; and when this was done he sent it to the ruler of Guzerát requesting that it might be distributed among the heirs of the slain. He then inflicted punishment on the murderers. Some years after this he died.
Jám Bábaniya.
Jám Bábaniya succeeded after the death of his father, and ascended the throne with the assent of the nobles and chiefs. At this time Sultán Fíroz Sháh having set his mind at rest about Hindustán and Guzerát, turned his attention to the conquest of Sind. Jám Bábaniya drew up his forces to resist him, but when the Sultán had been in the country three months, inundation, adverse winds, and swarms of mosquitoes, compelled him, at the beginning of the rains, to retire to Pattan in Guzerát. After the rains he returned to
[p.227]:Sind with a numerous army. A battle ensued, in which Jám Bábaniya was taken prisoner, and the whole country of Sind became subject to Sultán Fíroz. The Jám was carried off in the retinue of the Sultán, and after remaining for some time in attendance, he became the object of the royal favour, a royal robe was given to him and he was reinstated in the government of Sind. There he reigned in peace for fifteen years and then departed this life.
Jám Tamáchí
Succeeded to the throne on the death of his brother,1 and carried on the government. He was fond of ease and enjoyment, and passed his days in indulgence and pleasure. After reigning thirteen years he died of the plague. Jám Saláhu-d dín.
After the death of Jám Tamáchí, Saláhu-d dín carried on the business of government. His first act was a rectification of the frontier, which had been encroached upon by refractory subjects. He accordingly sent a force to punish them, and after inflicting salutary chastisement, he marched against Kachh. Some obstinate fighting ensued, but in every encounter he was victorious, and he returned home in triumph with the spoils, to look after the affairs of his army and people. He died after reigning eleven years and some months.
Jám Nizámu-d dín.
Nizámu-d dín succeeded his father Saláhu-d dín, with the con¬currence of the nobles. He released his uncles2 Malik Sikandar, Karan, Baháu-d dín, and Amar, who were in confinement for reasons of State policy, and sent each one to his district. He then left the affairs of the kingdom in the hands of the officials, and gave himself up night and day to pleasure and enjoyment. This neglect of his duty induced his uncles to raise a force, and to enter the city with the intention of seizing him. But he received information of this design, and left the city at midnight with some troops, and went off towards Guzerát. In the morning, when the fact be-
[p.228]: came known, the uncles started in pursuit; but at this juncture, the chief men of the city, seeing the strife and commotion, brought forth Jám 'Alí Sher from his concealment, and raised him to the throne. Jám Nizámu-d dín died about this time, and his uncles turned back with shame and loss, and passed into the desert.
Jám 'Alí Sher.
Jám 'Alí Sher mounted the throne with the consent of the great men and nobles, and opened wide the gates of justice and kindness. He was wise and brave, and he immediately devoted himself to the duties of government. The country of Sind was brought into a due state of order, all the people passed their days in security and ease under his rule. After a time he devoted himself more to pleasure, and he used to roam about in moonlight nights. Sikandar, Karan, and Fath Khán, sons of Tamáchí, who were living in sorry plight in the desert, became acquainted with Jám 'Alí Sher's mode of recreation. So they set forth, and travelling by night and hiding themselves by day, they reached the outskirts of the city. Here they won over a party of the people of the city. On the night of Friday, the 13th day of the month, 'Alí Sher, according to his custom, went out with a party of companions and followers, and embarked in a boat for an excursion on the river. At midnight he was about to return into his house, when a party of men with drawn swords made an attack on him. The people who were with him strove without avail to divert them from their purpose, and the Jám was instantly despatched. The murderers then entered the palace, when a noise and outcry arose, and the fact became known. The people assembled, but they perceived that matters were beyond their control, and accordingly they submitted. Jám 'Alí Sher had reigned seven years.
Jám Karan.
After the murder of Jám 'Alí Sher, the brethren assented to the elevation of Jám Karan. He was displeased with the nobles and great men of the city, and in his aversion to them he sought to take them prisoners, and then to slay some and confine the rest. On the very day that he ascended the throne, or the day after, he held a public court, and summoned all men great and small to
[p.229]: attend. He addressed them in conciliatory terms. Dinner was served, and after its conclusion he arose to retire to his chamber, when a party of men, who had been employed for the purpose, met him at the door of his room and cut him in pieces. Fath Khán, son of Sikandar, had been the prime mover in this murder, and so, with the assent of the soldiers and people, he ascended the throne.
Jám Fath Khán.
Jám Fath Khán, on his accession to the throne, confirmed all the rules and orders of government, and was very attentive and watchful over all affairs of State. At that time Mírzá Pír Muhammad, grandson of Sáhib-kirán Amír Tímúr Gurgán, had been sent to Multán and had taken that town and the town of Úch also. He stayed there for awhile and many of his horses died. The Mírzá's soldiers were thus dismounted and in distress. When Tímúr heard of this, he sent 3000 horses from the royal stables for the service of the Mírzá. Being thus reinforced, he made an attack upon the people of Bhattí and Ahan,1 who had rebelled, and gave them and their families to the winds of destruction. He then sent a person to Bhakkar and summoned all the chief men to his presence. The officers of the king of Dehli being unable to withstand him, fled by way of Jesalmír. One of the inhabitants of Bhakkar, Saiyid Abú-l L'aís by name, a man of piety and purity, hastened to meet the Mírzá, and offering his devotions to the Chief of the prophets, he besought his intercession in his midnight prayers. It is said that one night the Chief of the prophets appeared to Mírzá Pír Muham¬mad in a dream and spoke to him of Saiyid Abú-l L'aís, saying, "This is my son, show him honour and respect, and abstain from molesting him." The Mírzá awoke, and remained for eleven days in expectation of seeing the friend of his dream. The Saiyid then arrived while the Mírzá was seated in his court with the nobles around him. When his eye fell upon the Saiyid he recognized him, and arose to give him a proper reception. He embraced him and seated him by his side with great honour and reverence. The nobles then made enquiry about the Saiyid, and the Mírzá related to them his dream. On that day he gave the Saiyid a horse and some pre-
[p.230]: sents, and allowed him to depart. He also conferred upon him the pargana of Alor in ín'ám. After Tímúr had captured Dehli, Mírzá Pír Muhammad departed thither. In the days of the succeeding kings of Dehli, Multán came under the authority of the Langahs and the whole of Sind remained subject to its own kings. Jám Fath Khán was celebrated for his courage and generosity. He reigned for fifteen years and some months up to the time of his death.
Jám Tughlik, son of Sikandar.
When Jám Fath Khán was on the bed of sickness, and saw his end approaching, three days before his decease he placed his brother Tughlik Sháh upon the throne, delivering over to him the reins of government, and giving to him the title of Jám Tughlik. Soon afterwards Tughlik appointed his brothers governors of Siwistán and the fort of Bhakkar. He spent most of his time in hunting and exercise. When the Bulúchís raised disturbances in the neighbourhood of Bhakkar, he led an army there and inflicted punishment on their chiefs. He reigned twenty-eight years.
Jám Sikandar.
Jám Sikandar succeeded his father, but he was young in years; and the rulers of Siwistán and Bhakkar, attending only to their own interests, refused obedience to him, and quarrelled with each other. Jám Sikandar left Thatta and proceeded towards Bhakkar; but when he reached Nasrpúr, a person named Mubárak, who had been chamberlain in the time of Jám Tughlik, suddenly came into Thatta, and calling himself Jám Mubárak, seized upon the throne. But the people did not support him, and his authority lasted only three days; for the nobles drove him out of the city, and sent for Sikandar. When the news reached Sikandar he made terms with his opponents, and returned to Thatta. After a year and a-half he died.
Jám Ráí Dan.1
On the sixth of Jumáda-l awwal, in the year 858 A.H., (May 1454 A.D.), Jám Ráí Dan came forth. During the reign of the Jám Tughlik he had lived in Kachh, and had formed connec-
[p.231]: tions with the people of that country. He had maintained a considerable body of tried men, to whom he paid great attention, and to whom he used to give fine horses and other suitable presents. These men looked upon him as a wise and superior man, and devoted themselves to him with great sincerity. When he heard of the death of Sikandar, he proceeded with his entire force to Thatta, and there assembling the people, he addressed them to the effect, that he had not come to take the kingdom, but that he wanted to secure the property of the Musulmáns, and to accomplish their wishes. He did not consider himself worthy of the throne, but they should raise some fitting person to that dignity, when he would be the first to give him support. As they could find no one among them who had ability for the high office, they unanimously chose him and raised him to the throne. In the course of one year and a-half he brought the whole of Sind under his rule from the sea to the village of Kájaríkí and Kandharak,1 which are on the boundaries of Máthíla and Ubáwar. When he had reigned eight years and a half the idea of sovereignty entered the head of Jám Sanjar, one of his attendants. He induced other of the attend-dants and followers to join him in his plot; and one day when Jám Ráí Dan was drinking wine in private, poison was put into the bottle which a servant handed to him. Three days after drinking thereof he died.2
Jám Sanjar. [p.22]: Jám Sanjar was a handsome young man, and many persons being fascinated by his beauty, served him without stipend. It is related that before he came to the throne he was on friendly terms with an excellent darwesh. One night Sanjar went to visit the darwesh, and after the usual greeting told him that he wished to become ruler of Thatta, even if it were for only eight days. The darwesh replied, "Thou shalt be king for eight years." When Jám Ráí Dan died, the nobles agreed in raising Jám Sanjar to the throne, and in delivering over to him the reins of government. Through the prayers of the darwesh he thus became king without any strife or opposition, and the people on every side submitted to his authority with willing obedience. In his reign Sind rose to a greater pitch of prosperity and splendour than it had ever attained before, and the soldiers and the people lived in great comfort and satisfaction. He was a great patron of learned and pious men and of darweshes. Every Friday he dispensed large sums in charity among the poor and needy, and settled pensions and stipends upon meritorious persons. It is related that before his time the rulers of Sind used to pay their judicial officers badly. When Sanjar became ruler, there was a kází in Bhakkar, who had been appointed to the office by a former king, upon an insufficient salary. Finding himself under¬paid, he used to exact something from the suitors in his courts. When this reached the ears of Jám Sanjar he summoned the kází to his presence, and told him that he had heard of his taking money by force, both from plaintiffs and defendants. He acknowledged it, and said he should like to get something from the witnesses also, but that they always went away before he had an opportunity. The Jám could not help smiling at this, so the kází went on to say that he sat all day in his court while his children at home went without breakfast and supper. The Jám made the kází some handsome presents, and settled a suitable stipend upon him. He further directed that proper salaries should be appointed for all officers throughout the country, so that they might be able to maintain themselves in comfort. When he had reigned eight years he departed from this world of trouble.
Jám Nizámu-d dín, also called Jám Nanda.
[p.233]: Nizámu-d dín succeeded Jám Sanjar on the 25th Rabíu-l awwal, in the year 866 (December, 1461 A.D.). All men-the learned and the good, the soldiers and the peasants-agreed in his elevation, so that he raised firmly the standard of sovereignty. It is recorded that at the outset of his career he was a student, and spent much of his time in colleges and monasteries. He was modest and gentle, and had many excellent and pleasing qualities. His life was pure and religious to a high degree. It is impossible to enumerate all his virtues. In the early part of his reign, he proceeded with a force to Bhakkar and staid there for a year engaged in suppressing the highway robbers. He stored the fort of Bhakkar with all kinds of provisions, and appointed as governor one of his dependants, Dilshád by name, who had served him while at college. The frontiers were so well secured that travellers could pass along the roads in perfect safety. Having satisfied himself in respect of Bhakkar, at the end of a year he returned to Thatta. There he reigned supreme for forty-eight years, and during this period, learned men and pious men and fakírs passed a happy time, and the soldiery and the peasantry were in easy circumstances. Jám Nizámu-d dín was cotemporary with Sultán Husain Langáh, the ruler of Multán. They were on the most friendly terms, and were in the constant habit of sending presents to each other. Jám Nizámu-d dín used to visit his stables every week, and used to stroke the heads of his horses, and say to them, "My dear and happy steeds, I have no desire to ride you, for within my four boundaries all the rulers are Musulmáns-do you also pray that I may not go out against any one without a lawful cause, and that no one may come up against me, lest the blood of innocent Musulmáns should be spilled, and I should stand abashed in the presence of God." In his days Musulmán discipline was widely spread. Large congregations used to assemble in the mosques, for small and great used to resort thither to say their prayers, and were not satisfied with saying them in private. If a person omitted to attend a service, he was very sorry for it afterwards, and would occupy himself two or three days in prayer for forgiveness. Towards the end of the reign of Jám
[p.234]: Nizámu-d dín, the army of Sháh Beg came from Kandahár and attacked the villages of Lakrí, Chandúka and Sindícha. The Jám sent a large force to repel this attack of the Moghals, and it advanced as far as Dara-karíb, commonly known by the name of Jalúgar. A battle ensued in which the brother of Sháh Beg was slain, and his army defeated. The remnant fled towards Kandahár, and no further attack was made upon Sind during the life of Nizámu-d dín. The Jám spent much of his time in discoursing and arguing upon matters of science with the learned men of the day. Mauláná Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Díwání formed the project of leaving Shíráz and going to Sind; so he sent Shamshu-d dín and Mír Mu'ín, two of his disciples, to Thatta, in order to get permission for taking up his residence there. The Jám accordingly allotted some suitable houses, and provided the means for his maintenance; he further supplied the messengers with money to pay the expences of the journey, but the Mauláná died before they returned. Mír Shamshu-d dín and Mír Mu'ín were so well satisfied with the attention they had received, that they came back to Thatta and settled there. Some time after this Jám Ni'zámu-d dín died, and after his death all the affairs of Sind fell into disorder.
Jam Fíroz.
Upon the death of Nizámu-d dín, his son Jám Fíroz was of tender age. So Jám Saláhu-d dín, one of the late Jám's relatives and the son of Jám Sanjár's daughter, advanced pretensions to the crown; but Darya Khán and Sárang Khán, the confidential slaves of Nizámu-d dín who were high in dignity and power, refused to support him, and with the consent of the nobles and head men of Thatta they placed Jám Fíroz on the throne in succession to his father. Saláhu-d dín finding that he could only succeed by fighting, lost heart, and went to Guzerát to lay his case before Sultán Muzaffar. The Sultán had married a daughter of Saláhu-d dín's uncle, and was consequently well inclined towards him. Jám Fíroz gave way to the impulses of youth, and devoted himself to the pursuit of pleasure. He spent most of his time in the harem, but went out from time to time accompanied by slaves and jesters, who practised all sorts of tricks and buffoonery. The people of the Samma tribe, and the
[p.235]: associates of the Jám treated the people of the city with violence, and when Daryá Khán forbade them they treated him with scorn. The Khán, therefore, retired to his jagír in the village of Káhán. In those days Makhdúm 'Abdu-l'Azíz Abharí and his two sons, Mauláná Asílu-d dín and Mauláná Muhammad, all of them learned men, came to that village of Káhán and spent some years there teaching and diffusing knowledge. The cause of their coming from Hirát was the rebellion of Shah Isma'íl in the year 918 A.H. (1512 A.D.). The above-named Mauláná was well read in all the sciences, and he had excellent books upon every branch of learning. He compiled a commentary on the Mishkát (traditions) but did not complete it. Some portions are still extant in the library of Masúd1 and passages are commonly written as marginal notes in books. He died in this village of Káhán, and his tomb there is still a place of pilgrimage. Jám Fíroz continued to give himself up to pleasure and dissipation, and the nobles being on the verge of ruin, a messenger was sent to Jám Saláhu-d dín to inform him how matters stood; that Fíroz was generally drunk; that Daryá Khán, the great supporter of the government, had retired to Káhán, and that the moment was opportune for his returning immediately. Saláhu-d dín showed the letter of the men of Thatta to Sultán Muzaffar, and he sent him off with an army to that place. Making forced marches he soon arrived there, and crossing the river entered the city. Jám Fíroz's followers were dismayed, and led him out of the city on the other side. Saláhu-d dín then ascended the throne. He fined and punished the associates of Jám Fíroz, and demanded their wealth. The mother of Jám Fíroz2 took him to Daryá Khán, at Káhán, where he asked forgiveness for his errors; and the Khán remembering only old obligations, began to collect forces, and when the armies of Bhakkar and Siwistán were assembled, they met under the banners of Jám Fíroz. The Bulúchís and other tribes also mustered. Daryá Khán placed himself at the head of these forces, and marched against Saláhu-d dín. This prince wished to go out himself to the sanguinary meeting, but his wazír Hájí deemed it advisable that the
[p.236]: Jám should stay in the city while he led the war-elephants against the enemy; so the Jám stayed at home and the wazír went to the fray. When the armies met, the fire of battle raged furiously, and many were slain on both sides, but at length the troops of Daryá Khán were defeated and put to flight. Hájí wazír then sat down to write a despatch to Saláhu-d dín informing him that victory had favoured his colours, and that he might deem himself secure. Night came on and the wazír was unable to pursue the routed army, so it happened that his messenger fell into the hands of some of Daryá Khán's men. As soon as Darya Khán had read the letter he destroyed it, and substituted another in the name of Háji wazír, to this effect: -"Your army has been defeated, and the enemy is overpowering; you must leave Thatta with your family, and make no delay,-we will meet again in the village of Cháchgán." As soon as this letter arrived, on the night of the 9th Ramzán, Saláhu-d dín departed without breaking his fast, and crossed the river. Defeat had indeed reached him. He had reigned eight months. When he met his wazir, the latter reproached him for running away, and asked him why he had come there. The false despatch was then produced, upon which the Hájí exclaimed that he had not written it. At length they discovered that it was the crafty work of Daryá Khán, and were sorely annoyed,-but when a matter is completed repentance is useless. Daryá Khán pursued them some stages. He then brought back Jám Fíroz and entered Thatta on the day of the 'Idu-l fitr (at the close of the Ramzán) and going to the 'ídgáh they offered up their prayers. After this, Jám Fíroz reigned securely for some years, until the end of the year 9161 A.H. (1511 A.D.), when Sháh Beg Arghún invaded Sind.
The battles which followed are described in their proper places. I have never met with any written account of the history of the Súmras and Sammas, so I have composed this summary. If any one is better acquainted with the subject, he should make additions to this.
Book III. The Wonders of Síwí.
[p.237]: The fort of Síwí, which is situated on a small hill, is built of round stones, of a kind which is found wherever the earth is dug in that neighbourhood.
In Kor-zamín and Chhatur, which are districts of Síwí, cotton plants grow as large as trees, insomuch that men pick the cotton mounted. On each cotton plant there are one or two hundred snakes, of a span long, so that men are obliged to brush them off with sticks and drive them away before they can pluck the boles. If any one is bitten by a snake, they immediately open the wound with a razor and suck out the poison, otherwise death would supervene. The little river which runs by Síwí rises apparently from a sulphureous source, and any one who drinks the water of it falls sick. Many men have died from that cause, but it does not affect the inhabitants who are accustomed to it. Notwithstanding that the garrison was changed every year by Sultán Mahmúd, most of the soldiers died from its bad effects, and only a few escaped. In the time of Akbar, a flood came and purged the sources of the river from the sulphur, since which time the sickness has been less. This river runs fifty kos beyond Síwí, collecting at Sarwáh, where it is used in irrigation, and the water which is not expended for that purpose flows into the lake of Manchhúr, which is near Síwistán.
On that lake also there are many snakes1, very long and thin, the bites of which few survive. The men in that neighbourhood wear long drawers to protect themselves against their bites. I myself, when I was there looking at the men irrigating their fields, saw several at every step my horse took. As it was hot, I wished to dismount on the shore of the lake, but for fear of the snakes, I was compelled to do so at a distance on the plain beyond.
In the plain of Síwí there were formerly many forts and much cultivation, but all is now waste; the hot wind (simoom) blows
[p.238]: there. Between Síwí, Dehra, and Kasmúr,1 there is a tract of land called Bárgán, which breeds horses not inferior to those of 'Irák. The young colts are made to walk upon gravel for a year, by which their hoofs become as hard as a stone, and there is no occasion to shoe them, for they can go unshod even amongst the hills.
At Chhatur there is a tribe called Kaharí, so called from the tree named Kahar, on which one of their ancestors mounted, and when struck with a whip, it moved on like a horse.
Near Ganjáva, which is a district of Síwí, water springs from a hill, and covers a large extent of ground. Fishes are found in it. Amongst the hills of Ganjáva there is a lofty one from which hangs an iron cage, in which they say there is something placed, but it cannot be got at. If any one descends to it from above, by a rope, it moves away, and if they attempt to reach it from beneath, the summit rises to the stars, and the earth recedes. The hills of Sitúr and the river Ábkashída run in a sort of semicircle from Síwí to Ganjáva.2 Between these places there is a waste, through which the road to Kandahár runs. Its length from the river to Síwí is a hundred kos, and its breadth sixty. In summer the hot wind blows over this track for four months.
Book III: The Wonders of Kandahár
At the hill called Síbúda3 the rock was scarped, and a lofty arched recess called Peshták was cut by order of the Emperor Bábar. Eighty stone-masons were employed nine years in its completion. It is indeed a very pleasant place, overlooking the waters of the Arghand, gardens and cultivated fields. In spring many people resort there, but it is difficult to reach on account of its steep ascent. Within this recess are inscribed the names of Bábar Bádsháh, and of his trusty adherents, Mírzá Kámrán, Mírzá 'Askarí, and Mírzá Hindál. As his majesty Humáyún had never visited the spot, his name was not included in that inscription. Of all his dominions
[p.239]: Kandahár was the only place mentioned.1 When I visited the spot it came into my head that I would inscribe his name there, as well as that of his august son (Akbar) with their thousands of tributary cities and kingdoms, like Kandahár and Kábul. I therefore sent for some stone-cutters and engravers from Bhakkar, and had the names of these kings engraved, with those of their dependent cities and provinces, from Bengal to Bandar Láharí, from Kábul and Ghazní to the Dekhin, without any omission. It took nearly four years to complete this work, which indeed excited great admiration. Below the hills there is a cavern not far off. It was from the other extremity of this, that Bábá Hasan Abdál brought out the golden brick. The distance between these two ends is seven or eight kós.
On the same hill near Kandahár, mukhlisa is found, which is an antidote against snake bites and other poisons, and it is found no¬where else in that country. On that hill also there is a fire temple of a very ancient date. It is built of unburnt bricks, each two yards long and broad, and one span thick. The temple exists to this day, and has sustained no injury.
In Kandahár there used to be plague2 and sickness every year, till Sháh Tahmásp directed Sultán Husain Mírzá, governor of that province, to plant canes on the stream which flows near the town, and the water of which the people use for drinking. Since that, the sickness has abated, but even now in some seasons plague and disease break out with great intensity; blood being passed from the belly, nostrils, ears, and mouth. When I went there, in the reign of his late majesty, Akbar, to render assistance, it was at its height, and in the year 1007 H. (1598 A.D.) nearly two hundred soldiers died of this disease.
With the Hazára tribes near Kandahár, it is not the practice to wear coloured clothes such as white, red and black, * * * * nor is there any trade in clothes and shoes of this kind. Among the saints buried near Kandahár may be mentioned * * * * Bábá Hasan Abdál, a descendant of the Saiyids of Sabzawár. After a pilgrimage to the holy cities, he accompanied Mírzá Sháh Rukh, son
[p.240]: of Sáhib-Kirán (Tímúr) to Hindústán. On his return he spent some years in Langar Kandahár, and died there. His tomb is on an elevated spot surrounded by villages, and overlooking the Arghandáb, and to it, as to a place of pilgrimage, men and women, little and big, low and high-born, resort on Fridays in great crowds, so that the city is sometimes empty. It is certainly a charming retreat, and travellers say they have seen few spots to compare with it.
Book IV: Account of the country of Sind ....
Account of the country of Sind passing into the hands of the officers of the Emperor Akbar after the death of Sultán Mahmúd Khán.
I have before related how Kísú Khán came to Bhakkar on the 12th Jumáda-l awwal 982 Hijrí (August 1574) bringing with him an imperial farmán, in which he was directed to divide Bhakkar equally between Muhib 'Alí Khán and Mujáhid Khán, and then to proceed to Thatta and make Muhammad Bákí Tarkhán prisoner.
At that time Mujáhid Khán was in the country of Ganjáva, but when he heard of Kísú Khán's arrival at Bhakkar, he hastened to meet him there. But before he arrived Kísú Khán sought to clear out the fort of Sakhar.1 Mujáhid Khán's men procrastinated, but Kísú Khán disapproving of this, sent off a force to Sakhar. Wakíl Khán who was the representative of Mujáhid Khán, fought upon the wall which Mujáhid Khán had built round Sakhar, and several persons on both sides were killed, and more were wounded. Three days after the fight, Mujáhid Khán arrived and took away his men to Loharí. Sakhar then reverted entirely into the power of Kísú Khán, but towards Loharí the pargana of Bhakkar was in the possession of Muhib 'Ali Khán and Mujáhid Khán.* The men who had assembled (to support them) were broken-hearted. At this juncture, some of the Arghún people deserted them and came to Bhakkar, where Kísú Khán had them put to death upon the malevo¬lent suggestion of Sháh Bábá, son of Ján Bábá Turkhán. Kísú
[p.241]: Khán was a severe harsh-tempered man, and one day Barjí Tawají having been guilty of some fault, he had irons placed upon his feet in the presence of his court.
Two months afterwards, Mujáhid Khán went up against Thatta, leaving Muhib 'Alí Khán in charge of their families. He halted for a few days at the town of Ránípúr in order to outfit his force. Kísú Khán, at the instigation of the men of Bhakkar, sent an army against Loharí. On Friday, the 2nd of Ramzán 982 A.H. (December 1574), having divided his army into two parts he crossed over the river. One division he directed by way of the gardens of the city towards Loharí, and the other he embarked in ghrábs and boats and sent them firing and fighting towards the shrine of Khwája Khizr. Muhib 'Alí Khán's men mounted and went towards the 'íd-gah. Kísú Khán's followers arrived in their ghrábs and set fire to Mujáhid Khán's boats, and when the flames rose high, the horsemen fell back and went towards their homes. At this time Kísú Khán's horsemen came up and threw rockets1 into the city and set it on fire in several places. Muhib 'Alí Khán then mounted his horse and fled. The men of Bhakkar now entered the city and pillaged until evening, capturing the standard and kettle drum of Muhib 'Alí Khán which they bore off with them to the fort. When the intelligence reached Mujáhid 'Alí Khan he returned by forced marches to Loharí, but he was greatly dispirited, and in consideration of the royal power he refrained from molesting Kísú Khán.2 The latter established himself in the fort of Bhakkar and practiced great injustice. When the Emperor Akbar became acquainted with these facts he placed the country under the charge of Tarsún Khán, and in the beginning of Muharram 983 A.H. (April 1575) Muhammad Táhir Khán, son of Sháh Muhammad Saifu-l Mulk, and Muhammad Kásim Khán and Mírza Muhammad Sultán arrived at the town of Loharí, and sent to Kísú Khán a copy of the farmán conferring the jágír of Bhakkar (on Tarsún Khán). Kísu Khán was at first inclined to resist and to set these men at defiance, but when the matter came to be talked over, he went to the chief of the
[p.242]: saiyids, who sent some priests and a party of men to the three sardárs to give them counsel. The sardárs detained them all, and desired them to write a true statement of affairs and send it to the Emperor. The priests begged to be excused, but said they would write if both parties were present. The sardárs replied that Kísú Khán's agents were present, and that if the priests would write the truth in their presence, no further trouble would be given them. The priests then entered upon the business. As soon as Kísú Khán heard this he was alarmed, for he saw that matters were going wrong, and that the forthcoming memorial would be ruinous to him. He therefore sent to say that he would give up the fort, and that they need not write. The Kháns sent word back that the memorial was written, and that they would keep it ready. If he did not surrender the fort the letter should be sent to the Emperor -so Kísú Khán having no other remedy, conducted the Kháns into the fort. An order had been issued by the Emperor that Kísú Khán, in concert with the brethren of Tarsún Muhammad Khán, the saiyids, and the chief men, should make enquiry about the treasure, houses, and effects of Sultán Mahmúd Khán, and send a detailed account thereof to the Court, In obedience to the Royal orders, the people of Sultán Mahmúd's harem were sent to the presence, and his chief wife, sister of Jahán Khán, was sent to Lahore. At the same time, Khwájá Saráí, Rai Singh Darbárí, and Banwálí Das Navísinda arrived for the purpose of settling the affairs of the treasure and of the people of the harem of Sultán Mahmúd. Having afterwards looked into the matter of the treasure at Loharí, they proposed to return by way of Nágor in the beginning of Rajab of the year above-named.
When Tarsún Muhammad Khán received permission to depart from the Court, some of the nobles objected that it was impolitic to place the children of Saifu-l Mulk on the borders of the country, so he was appointed governor of Ágra and a change was made in respect of Bhakkar, for Banwálí Dás was sent there to take charge of the revenues and general affairs. Afterwards, for better security, Mír Saiyid Muhammad was dignified with the office of Mír-i 'adl (Chief Justice), with a mansab of 1000, and appointed governor of
[p.243]: Bhakkar. On the 11th of Ramzán of the year above-mentioned, he arrived at Bhakkar, and the ministers of religion and the chief men waited upon him to show due honour and respect. He then gave 50,000 bighas of land to the saiyids, learned men and others in portions suited to the position of each one. The ministers of religion enjoyed a happy time during his administration. In the early part of his rule he sent a force against the Mankínjas of the district of Gágri who were rebellious, and had opposed his officers. He acted oppressively towards the ryots in revenue matters, for he fixed by measurement a payment of five mans per bigha upon all lands alike, and the revenue officers, whom he appointed, dealt harshly with the cultivators. The troops of the Mír-i 'adl arrived at a small fort between Gambaz and Bajrán. The Mankínjas showing no respect, shot arrows at them, and several of the soldiers were killed. There was a well in the fort into which the graceless wretches threw the bodies both of Musulmans and infidels, and filled it up with earth. The Mír-i 'adl was enraged at this, and sent for reinforcements from Síwí, to take vengeance. After a short opposition, the Mankínjas left their home and took to flight. Saiyid Abú-l Fazl, the Mír-i 'adl's son, who commanded the troops, pursued them for some distance, and then returned to Bhakkar. Some time after this the Mír-i 'adl fell ill, he lost much blood and his weakness increased till he died on the 8th of Sh'abán, 984 A.H. (October 1576).
After his death, the Emperor appointed his son, Abú-l Fazl, to succeed him in the government of Bhakkar. In the following year Abú-l Fazl seized and confined the head men of Gágrí, and afterwards caused two or three of them to be trampled to death by elephants. On the 9th of Zí'-l hijja 985 A.H. (Feb. 1578) I'timád Khán, an eunuch, and one of the emperor's trusty servants, came as governor to Bhakkar. He was a man of passionate temper and did not deal kindly with the soldiers, peasants, or nobles. Some of the ministers of religion were troubled by his conduct, and resolved to carry their complaints to the Emperor. The governor thereupon sent a person to them with excuses, but they would not be satisfied, and resolutely determined to proceed. When they reached the royal presence they stated their grievances against that cruel man.
[p.244]: The Emperor replied that if he had oppressed the people in the way represented, he would be killed. And it turned out exactly as the royal tongue predicted, after this manner. He was an habitual jester and scoffer, and would utter vile and filthy expressions before good men; he also dealt niggardly with the troops; so on the 10th Rabí'u-l awwal 986 A.H. (May, 1578) a party of soldiers conspired and slew him in his hall of audience.
After the death of I'timád Khán the Emperor granted the country of Bhakkar in jágir to Fath Khán Bahadúr, Raja Parmánand and Rája Todar Mal.1 In the month of Rajab of the same year, the Khán and the other two grantees came to Bhakkar and took possession of their respective portions. Two years afterwards Parmánand proceeded to the Court in obedience to orders. The Dáríjas afterwards quarrelled with his brother Mádhu Dás, and assembled in the town of Alor with hostile intent. Two or three fights followed, and men were slain on both sides. At length some turbulent fellows joined in the attack, so Fath Khán sent his own men to put them down. The insurgents were then beaten and dispersed. Fath Khan then went to Court, where he was received with great favour. His mansab was increased, and the jágír of Parmánand was assigned to him. Fath Khán was a simple-minded man, fond of money, who paid his thanks with his tongue, but he dealt kindly with the people and provided for their subsistence. He had a vakíl named Shaháb Khán, a zamíndár of Samána, an inexperienced man, who knew nothing of business. At the instigation of one Faríd he attacked the people of Khán Náhar, and led a force against the fort of Kin-kot, which was in the hands of Ibráhim Náhar. A great battle followed, in which Fath Khán's fine men were slain. Shaháb Khán also fell with all his brothers. When intelligence of this reached the Emperor, he instantly resumed Fath Khán's jágir and assigned it to Nawwáb Muhammad Sádik Khán together with the duty of capturing Thatta. He arrived at Bhakkar on Tuesday the 12th Rabí'u-l awwal 994 A.H. (Feb. 1586). The priests and others went out to meet him, and he received them all with honour and respect. For some time he stayed in Bhakkar setting its affairs in order, but in Zí-l hijja of the same year, he marched against Siwistán. Before
[p.245]: going on this expedition he fought with the men of Mírzá Jání Beg, many of whom were killed. The breeze of victory thus began to blow on the banners of Muhammad Sádik. He then proceeded on his expedition. Meanwhile Subhán 'Alí Arghún, who was in command of the enemy, had constructed a fort on the banks of the river, and had furnished it with munitions of war. He had also collected many ghrábs and boats there. When Muhammad Sádik advanced, the Arghún came out in his ghrábs and gave battle; but he was defeated and taken prisoner alive, and many of his men were killed and wounded. Twelve ghrábs also fell into the hands of the victors. Greatly elated with these victories he laid siege to Síwistán. His operations occupied some time, but he at length sunk a large mine which carried away the gate in front of the fort. Instructions had been given that no man was to enter the fort without orders, so when the smoke and dust cleared off, the besieged set to work, closing up the breach, and maintaining a fire from their cannons and guns (top o tufang). The party on the top of the gateway which had been blown into the air fell to the ground uninjured. Mírzá Jání Beg had now advanced with a force as far as Mihrán, which is six kos from Síwán. In consequence of this, Muhammad Sádik raised the siege and went to oppose his progress. When he came opposite the Lakki hills, the ghrábs of Mírzá Jání opened fire upon him. They continued fighting for several days, till an imperial fárman arrived stating that Mírzá Jání Beg had sent suitable tribute to the Court, and had made humble and dutiful submission. Muhammad Sádik therefore returned to Bhakkar, and after a short interval he repaired to Court. One year afterward his jágír was taken from him. In the two kharíf harvests that passed while Muhammad Sádik held Bhakkar, locusts attacked the crops and famine ensued. Many men emigrated in various directions. The Samíjas and Bulúchis plundered both sides of the river and left nothing standing.
At the end of Rabí'u-s sání, 996 A.H. (Feb. 1588), the jágir of Bhakkar was granted to Isma'íl Khán, and his son Rahmán Kulí Beg came to the place. This young nobleman was wise, and treated the people with great kindness and consideration, so that through his gentle management they betook themselves once more to cultivation, and by their efforts the wasted land again became fruitful.
[p.246}: When Isma'íl Kulí Khán left Multán and went to the Court, the jágír was taken from him and granted to Shiroya Sultán. In the beginning of Muharram 997 A.H. (Nov. 1588), he came to Bhakkar. He was addicted to wine, and left the management of his affairs in the hands of his purchased slaves. Night and day he was engaged in riot and debauchery, and but seldom sat in public court, or allowed any one to have access to him. The pensions and allowances to the fakírs were stopped. At one period Shaikh Sángí received charge of the revenue and State business, and for a time he visited the shops and took possession of their money and business.1 He sent his son Muhammad Husain Beg to subdue Síwí, but the Afghans assembled and fiercely opposed him. His advanced guard was composed of Bulúchís2 who fled at the first attack. The main body was then assaulted. Many were slain and many taken pri¬soners. The rest were broken and put to flight, but the weather was hot, and large numbers died of thirst in the mirage. Those who escaped alive were a long time before they recovered. The wails occasioned by the violence and tyranny of Shiroya at length ascended to heaven, from whence the glad tidings of his removal came to the people of Bhakkar. They escaped from his malignity and once more lived in peace, for Muhammad Sádik Khán again received the jágír.
On the second of Rabí'u-l awwal 998 A.H. (December, 1589) Mírzá Muhammad Záhid, son of Muhammad Sádik, came to Bhakkar. He treated the people with kindness and poured the balm of justice upon hearts wounded by tyranny. He was good-looking and good-natured, and he associated with learned and excellent men. He restored the pensions and allowances in accordance with the grants made by his father, and put a stop to oppression. Khwája Muhammad Ma'súm was Muhammad Sádik's vakíl. He was a man of excellent qualities, and competent in all business. The people were re-assured and went about their cultivation and building. But a heavenly visitation fell upon the spring crop of that year; notwith¬standing the care of the government, evil days ensued, and it was
[p.247}: impossible to collect the taxes. A scarcity of food again occurred. About this time His Majesty the Emperor had to make a public example. When the Royal Court was removed to Lahore, Mírza Jání Beg, in imitation of Mírzá Sháh Husain, renounced his obedience, and pretended to independence. The Khán-i Khánán was accord¬ingly sent to take Thatta and bring the Bulúchís under control. He reached the place in the month of Shawwál of the year aforesaid, between the autumnal and vernal harvests, and proceeded to set all things in order. At that time, I, the author of this history, pro¬ceeded from Ahmadábád in Guzerát to the Imperial Court. By good fortune my mother had sent some little curiosities, which I presented to his Majesty. Thereupon he enquired with great con¬descension how many years I had been absent from my mother. I replied that it was twenty years. He was graciously pleased to direct that I should go to visit my mother, and afterwards return to my duty. He further ordered the grant of a jágír to me. There¬upon, Muhammad Sádik came to my aid, and said that as I was going to Bhakkar, it would be very pleasant to have my jágír there. His Majesty said that Bhakkar had been granted in jágír to the Nawwáb Khán-i Khánán. The latter was present at the time and said that if His Majesty pleased to make me a grant in Bhakkar he would assign it over to me, but if so he hoped to receive an equivalent elsewhere. The Royal command was then given for a grant in Bhakkar, and the officials assigned to me the parganas of Durbela, Gágrí and Chandúka. After this was arranged, His Majesty in his great kindness and consideration gave me a boat and one of his own fur coats, and as he dismissed me he quoted the line-
On the 14th1 Safar, 999 A.H. (Nov., 1590), I reached Bhakkar, where the Khán-i Khánán had arrived before me. The weather was hot and the river high, so he stayed some days there; but when the star Canopus appeared he dismissed me with Bahádur Khán, Mulla Mahmúdí, and some others. We went to Sihwán, and the Khán-i Khánán followed and overtook us there. The people of Sihwán closed the gates of their fort. The Khán-i Khánán then consulted
[p.248}: with his nobles as to whether it was better to march against Mírza Jání Beg in Thatta at once, or to stop and take Sihwán before pro-ceeding. They all agreed that as Sihwán was in the direct road, and their men and boats must pass that way, it was desirable to secure it before going further. Having so determined, the river was crossed, batteries (morcha) were raised, and we began to take measures for securing a passage over the river.1 But intelligence came that Nawwáb Jání Beg had left Thatta with a powerful force and was advancing against us. So the siege was raised and our forces turned to oppose him. Jání Beg then threw up a sort of fort2 on the bank of the river at the village of Loharí above Nasrpúr, and there strengthened his position. When the Khán-i Khánán came within about six kos from this fortified post Jání Beg sent 120 armed ghrábs and many boats under the command of Khusrú Khán and other officers, and also two armies, one on each bank of the river, to make a simultaneous attack on the camp of the Khán-i Khánán. To meet them our forces advanced a little on the bank of the river, where we raised some sand-works covering five or six jaríbs of ground. Muhammad Mukím Khán Bakhshí, 'Alí Mardán Khán, Muríd Khán Sarmadí, and the writer of this history, with several other noblemen, were appointed to that humble fortification.3 Our instructions were, that when the ghrábs came up they must necessarily pass in front of our fortified position, because just in front of it there was a large sand-bank from which they must cross over to reach our camp,4 In fact, when Muhammad Mukím was sent there he was told that his business was to prevent any danger to the camp on that side. In the afternoon the ghrábs came up, when they perceived that on one side there was water with a sandbank, and on the other side water with a fort, so they arrested their pro-gress, and guns from both sides announced the opening of the fight. In the course of the night the Khán-i Khánán sent a party over to the opposite side. The force which Jání Beg had appointed for the
[p.249}: purpose assaulted our gate, but it had been well secured, and their efforts were vain. In the morning, the ghrábs came up in front of the camp. The guns in our fortification were pointed too high, so that the balls passed over the ghrábs and fell among our friends on the other side, killing several of them. The muzzles of the guns were then depressed, so that the balls passed through the ghrábs on our side of the river, and then touching the water rose again and crushed eight or nine boats (kishtí) killing a number of men.1 But they were prepared for this-for in each ghráb there were carpenters who quickly repaired the damages. The fight was carried on and the firing continued in this way for that day. On one side was the fort and army of the Khán-i Khánán, on the other the sandbank, and the ghrábs must pass between them against a strong current. The battle continued till after mid-day, and the enemy had many men killed by the guns. They then saw that they could not pass the fort, and that they were losing many men, so they were compelled to retreat. The Khán-i Khánan's boats followed in pursuit and the army harassed them from the shore. Khusrú Khán acted judi¬ciously: keeping his own ghrábs in the rear he sent others in pur¬suit, and several of the enemy's vessels with soldiers and Firingí fighting men on board fell into his hands. The royal ghráb had accompanied the ghráb of Khusrú Khán and unfortunately some fire from the latter reached the magazine of the royal vessel, and all it contained was burnt. Some of the crew escaped into other vessels which happened to be near, but a large proportion was killed. Still a great victory was won.
Next day we marched against the fort of Jání Beg in which he had fortified himself. There were some little sand-hills (chihla2) around, and the place seemed difficult to take. When we tried to invest the place, the Khán-i Khánán and his officers found the work impracticable. One night we made a general assault upon the place on every side, but it was too strong and we gained nothing. It was then determined by the Khán-i Khánán that he would pro-
[p.250}: ceed with a force to Síhwán and take possession of the country of Thatta,-that another force should go to Badín and Fath-bágh, and that Sháh Beg Khán should march to besiege Sháh-garh, a place that had been built by Sháh Kásim Arghún. The Khán-i Khánán accordingly proceeded to Thatta, another force went against Badín, Fath Khán and Jún, and Sháh Beg besieged Sháh-garh. Saiyid Baháu-d dín, the author, and several other attendants of the Khán-i Khánán, went to Síwán, where many of the defenders were killed. When the garrison found that matters were going hard with them they wrote to Jání Beg that unless he came to their aid, the place must be lost. Upon learning this the Mírzá marched with great alacrity to Síwán. When he had reached a point about twenty kos from us, we received intelligence of his advance. We held a council, and determined to fight him; so we raised the siege and marched to oppose his advance. When the Khán-i Khánán heard this he sent Muhammad Khán Niyází and some other of his officers with reinforcements for us. We were near the Lakkí hills when they joined us, and our united force then amounted to 1200 horse. Jání Beg was advancing through the hills with 10,000 horse, together with a numerous body of infantry and archers, and he had ghrábs and cannon coming up the river. When he was six or seven kos distant, our leaders perceived that if we remained where we were, we might be attacked on every side. Jání Beg might attack us from the hills, the ghrábs from the river, and the men of Síhwán from the rear, so that we should be in a critical position. We therefore resolved to march on and meet him, and our forces were accordingly set in motion. Jání Beg received intelligence of our movement through his spies, but could not credit it, for he asked what our numbers could be, and what must be our presumption to venture on such a step. But the dust of our march then became visible to him, and he instantly proceeded to set his army in array. It was noon when the contending forces met. When our van-guard became engaged, some of the men took flight and fled. The enemy pursued, and coming up with our main body the battle became general. Three or four fierce charges were made, but at length the enemy were defeated. Jání Beg stood his ground and fought desperately, but seeing that all was over, he also fled. The enemy lost many men in
[p.251]: killed and prisoners. Jání Beg retreated to Unarpur,1 twenty kos from the battle-field, where he raised a small fort and strengthened his position. We besieged the place, and after some days the Khán-i Khánán arrived in person. The batteries were pushed for¬ward, and fighting went on every day, in which many on both sides were killed. Digging approaches to the fort, we reached the edge of the ditch, and raised there a mound of earth. Jání Beg was then reduced to despair, and offered terms. His proposal was to give over to us thirty ghrábs and the fort of Sihwán. He himself would return to Thatta but would meet us again afterwards. The Khán-i Khánán consulted with his officers, and they all agreed that Jání Beg was reduced to extremities, and that no terms should be made with him-it was a mere question of a day or two-and if he were allowed to return to Thatta he would probably change his mind. The Khán-i Khánán observed that if we assaulted the fort, many men on both sides would be slain, and that the wives and families of the garrison would fall into our hands and might be treated with indignity, for these reasons he would accept the terms, and would further obtain a mansab of 5000 from the Emperor for Jání Beg-No doubt his decision was sound. The representatives of Jání Beg then came into our lines, the terms were settled, the ghrábs were given up, a person was sent to Síhwán to secure the surrender of the fort, and Jání Beg himself set out for Thatta. The Khán-i Khánán stayed in the village of Sann during the inundations, but in the winter he departed for Thatta. When we approached Fath-bágh Jání Beg came forward to meet us, and there was an interview and friendly intercourse between the two chíefs. Leaving Jání Beg at this place the Khán-i Khánán proceeded to Thatta, and there he distributed among his officers and soldiers all the effects (basát) he had with hím. He next went to Láhorí-bandar, where he gazed upon the sea (dáryáe shor). When he departed from this place he left Daulat Khán and Khwája Mukím in charge. A royal mandate had arrived directing him to bring Jání Beg to Court,-in consequence of this he started off, taking Jání Beg with him, and hastened by forced marches to the Imperial presence. Every kindness and consideration was bestowed upon Jání Beg through the friendly
[p.252]: statements of the Khán-i Khánán. The country of Thatta was graciously restored to him, and he was received into the royal service with a mansab of 5000. Still further favour was shown him, and Khusrú Khán was named to be his son-in-law.
When His Majesty set out for the Dekhin,* intent upon the con¬quest of Ahmadnagar and the fort of Kásim, on the 25th Rajab Mírzá Jání Beg died of brain fever, and upon the solicitation of Nawwáb Allání, the country of Thatta was granted to Mírzá Ghází Beg, son of the deceased Mírzá.