The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/VI. Beg-Lár-náma

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The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians

Sir H. M. Elliot, Edited by John Dowson, 1867, Volume I

Early Arab Geographers On History Of India
HISTORIANS OF SIND: VI BEG-LÁR-NÁMA.

Introduction

[p.289]: This work derives its name from the person to whom it was dedicated, and by whose advice it was undertaken: Sháh Kásim Khán, son of Amír Saiyid Kásim Beg-Lár. We learn nothing of the author-not even his name-either from the preface or the body of the history. We can only tell, from the tone in which he speaks of his patron, that he must have been a most abject dependant.

The name of Beg-Lár, we are told, belonged to his patron's family by hereditary descent, and is not therefore to be confounded with the Beglerbegs of Turkey and Persia, who are the viceroys or governors of the Provinces.1 The Beg-Lár family after residing for some generations at Turmuz, came to reside at Samarkand, whence we had them emigrating to Sind. They pretend to derive their origin from 'Ali, the son-in-law and cousin-german of the Prophet. The genealogy is given in the Beg-Lár-náma and Tuhfatu-l Kirám. Their intimate connection with the Arghúns is attributed to one of their remote ancestors having taken up his abode in Khitá, where he and his descendants continued in friendly communication with the Turks. This connection, indeed, frequently gives rise to


[p.290]: the Beg-Lár family's being called Arghún, as at pp. 263, 287, in the extract from the Táríkh-i Táhirí, where the patron of our author is styled an Arghún.

Amír Sháh Kásim came from Samarkand to Sind in the time of Sháh Husain Arghún, and was received with distinction. He married the niece of the Wairsí Ráná of 'Umarkot, and as her father was a Bhattí Rájpút, Sháh Kásim, the produce of this marriage, was half a Bhattí, and amongst that tribe he was brought up. It is to him, under the title of Khán-i Zamán, that this book is chiefly devoted, and as he acted an important part in the affairs of the kingdom, we are treated with tedious reports of the most trifling exploits performed by him and his sons, consisting chiefly of provincial contests, border feuds and cattle raids. This minute history, however, compels the author to mention the names of streams, forts, villages and tribes, which in themselves sometimes possess considerable interest. Even the local hostilities and intermarriages of clans afford matter of speculation to the curious enquirer, and on all these points some information is to be gleaned from the Beg-Lár-náma.1

As the little that there is of general interest centres in the connection which Khán-i Zamán had with public characters, it may as well be mentioned that he first rose to some distinction under Sháh Husain, the Arghún ruler of Sind. He then served successively Mirzá Ísá Tarkhán, Ján Bábá, Mirzá Muhammad Bákí, and Mirzá Jání Beg. When this chief went to render his submission to the Emperor Akbar, Khán-i Zamán accompanied him, and was received with favour. He was afterwards nominated to an appointment in Sind under Mirzá Ghází Beg, and lived to an old age in that country, surrounded by a large and thriving family. His son, Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán, was celebrated for his gallant conduct in the field, as well as for his literary talents. After rebelling against the constituted authorities, he was par-


[p.291]: doned through the intercession of his father; but was subsequently blinded to prevent his exciting further disturbances.

Date of the composition: The exact date of the composition of this work cannot be fixed with precision within twenty years-1017 and 1036 H.-because the intimations we have on that point are altogether contradictory and irreconcilable. We are told (p. 256) that the author's patron has "at this period, (aknún)" that is 1017 "reached the age of seventy." About this there can be no doubt, because we have already been informed (p. 36) that he was born in 947- moreover the date is given not only in numerals but in text. But we are informed (p. 27) of Mirzá Ghází Beg's death, which occurred in 1021; about which, also, there can be no doubt, as it is substantiated by a chronogram in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám (p. 72). Again, in enumerating the children of his patron, (pp. 260, 261) we have the dates of 1032 and 1033, both in text and numerals. It could not have been composed at any period more than three years beyond this, because Jahángír is mentioned as the reigning monarch. Taking all these points into consideration, we may consider, either that the rough draft was written in 1017, and that a second was made about 1035, when the subsequent dates gained admission; or that aknún, as at p. 41, is used with reference to the event which the author is describing, not with reference to the period at which he is writing-in short, in the sense of "at that time," not "at this present." If so, the date of 1017 relates only to the time when Khán-i Zamán had completely peopled and settled the country round the fort of Saiyid-garh, of which he finished the building in 1011; and we can fix with tolerable certainty upon the year 1034, or 1035-say 1625 A.D.-as that in which the Beg-Lár-náma was brought to a conclusion; but I have no great confidence in this interpretation, and it must be confessed that the matter is not worth further enquiry.

The Beg-Lár-náma, after the preface, opens with a general abstract history of Sind and the Arab invasion, in twenty-two pages: we then have a very slight notice of the Arghúns, with a biography of Amír Kásim Beg, extending altogether to eighteen


[p.292]: pages: and from that to the end we have detailed accounts of the squabbles amongst the various members of the Tarkhán family, with the insertion of every expedition of robbery and plunder in which the noble Khan-i Zamán himself was in the remotest degree concerned.

This work is not found in India, except in the provinces of Sind, where I know of three copies. There is one in the Imperial Library at Paris. Fonds Gentil, No. 17.1 Size Quarto, (12 × 9 inches). 275 pages of 17 lines each.

EXTRACTS.

Aboriginal Inhabitants of Sind

Sind derives its name from Sind, the son of Ham the son of Núh (God's peace be with him!) and the province remained in possession of his descendants; but their names cannot be found in any books of history, nor have I heard them in legendary stories, and I am therefore compelled to omit them.

That which I have heard from common report is this, that in olden time the Province of Sind was held by the tribes of Bína, Ták, and Nabúmiya; but the period of their government is not known. After a time, Sahasí Ráí reigned in the fort of Alór,1 and all Sind and Hind was under his rule. When he died, Chach Brahman became master of Sind and Hind. His capital was the fort of Brahmanábád, and his dominions extended to the confines of Kashmír. His son Dáhir succeeded him and became master of the whole kingdom. In his days the armies of Islám arrived under the command of Muhammad Kásim, and after many battles Dáhir was slain.

Mír Kásim Beg-Lár marries the daughter of Ráná Kúmba

It appears that in those days when Mir Kásim Beg-Lár deceased held the governorship of 'Umarkot,3 Ráná4 Kúmba Wairsí represented to him that an inveterate and deep-rooted enmity existed between his people and the Ráthors of the fort of Nílma,5 and he


[p.293]: was therefore solicited to march against them, that ample revenge might be taken. The Mír complied with his request, and he accordingly marched with the people of the Sodha tribe1 in that direction. When the warlike and fierce Ráthors were informed of the coming of the ever-successful army, they armed themselves and advanced boldly to the field of battle. Both armies stood in powerful array against each other. The Ráná intimated to the Mír that it was an old-established custom amongst their tribes that both parties should alight from their horses and engage on foot.2 The most noble Amír agreed to this and issued orders to his army, which consisted of Sodhas, that they should dismount while they opposed the enemy. The Amír took his bow from the easel and began to shoot his arrows. Every arrow told, piercing through the armour and bodies of the enemy, and each time sending a soul to the world of annihilation. Twenty of the enemy having been slain, the remnant took to flight, confessing the Mír's bravery, and lauding him with a hundred thousand tongues. When the Sodhas witnessed such bravery and intrepidity, they resolved to honour themselves by seeking a matrimonial alliance with the Mír. The great and noble Mír, according to the will of God, accepted their prayers, and Rájia the daughter of Ráná Kúmba Wairsí's sister, a most modest chaste girl, whose father was the Bhattí chief of the fort of Jesalmír, was betrothed to him.3

* * * * * * *

Deputation of Khán-i Zamán on a mission to Ráí Dhar Ráj of Jesalmír

Khán-i Zamán, with the aid of the Almighty, proceeded, with his friends and suite, after taking leave of Mirzá Ján Bábá, towards Jesalmír. When he arrived, he halted outside the fort on the margin of the tank,4 and despatched a messenger to Ráí Dhar Ráj


[p.294]: to say that Mirzá Ján Bábá had sent a robe of honour for him. The Ráí with much politeness, requested him to stay where he was encamped, and intimated that he would come to him on an auspicious day and hour to be invested with the robe. In those days the periodical rains, by the will of God, had not fallen, and the land all round was parched up. A single vessel of water was to be had only at a very heavy price, for there was no water in the lake. But, when the prosperous feet of this nobleman touched that ground, suddenly, by the will of God, rain fell: the dry land became saturated and green herbs sprung up in every place. In the morning, the Ráí came to visit him and had the honour of meeting him. He said that the rain had fallen only on account of his prosperous presence. He accompanied the Khán with great honour and respect into the fort, and then performed the rites of hospitality. Each day he showed him greater honour. The great Khán stayed there for the period of five months, after which he took leave and turned his reins towards Nasrpúr. Having reached the banks of the tank of Sánkra, he learnt that Jaish Khán and 'Aláu-d dín, having pursued their course along the eastern bank of the river, were proceeding towards Thatta to meet Ján Bábá. When they had reached the stream of the Rain, they were informed that Mirzá Ján Bábá, accompanied by Saiyid 'Alí Shírází, had gone to Mirzá Muhammad Bákí, and according to the will of God had been slain. On hearing this, they returned and reached Nasrpúr plundering the country on their road. Khán-i Zamán also went thither and met them. The exigencies of the time were such that he owed money, and as none of these people showed him any humanity and favour, he was much distressed in mind. He said he had placed all his reliance on Mirzá Ján Bábá, on whom the decree of God had now passed. He observed to his companions, "At present it is urgently necessary for me to pay some money in liquidation of my debt, what is your advice." They replied- "These people possess much wealth and are proud of their riches. Now we are at your service and ready to accompany you wherever you desire." On this, he proceeded towards the Sodhas, at the village of Tarangchí.

The Plunder of Tarangchí

[p.295]: Khán-i Zamán, by the advice of his companions, set out and crossed the waters of Sánkra. When Dúda and Ghází learnt that he had gone in that direction with only a few men, they rode after him. As soon as 'Aláu-d dín and Míán were informed that their sons Ghází and Dúda had gone to join Khán-i Zamán, they also marched in the same direction with the intention of bringing them back. They reached the banks of the Sánkra at the time that Khán-i Zamán had crossed it, while Dúda and Ghází were only then preparing to pass the stream. When they saw that their fathers had come to take them back, they immediately threw themselves into the stream, swam their horses over, and joined Khán-i Zamán. They would not return, for they reflected that, if at this time they did not accompany him, the reward of their past services would be forfeited. In the afternoon, Khán-i Zamán, having watered his horses, left the village of Ráhú Madh, and that renowned lion, with only twelve horsemen, travelled through a large jungle the whole night. On arriving near the village of Tarangchí, he found the camels of the Sodhas there, and determined to carry them off without delay; but it occurred to him that he had better first let his horses quench their thirst. With this intent he proceeded towards the village, and there found the tracks of five hundred horses that had just passed over the ground. He was alarmed, and thought how impossible it was to save himself with so few men against such a host. He, however, advanced and asked the driver of the camels what army had passed by that road. The man replied that Mirzá Muhammad Bákí and Mirzá Ján Bábá had quarrelled with each other, and that the former had asked the Sodhas to reinforce him. Hence a force of about five hundred men of the Waisa tribe had passed that way. The Khán's companions were much alarmed at this intelligence, and brought back their horses without watering them; but they bravely and gallantly carried off the camels; many of these animals died on account of the severe marches they had to make. The next day, in the afternoon, the dauntless heroes reached the village of Ráhú Madh,1 where they stayed only sufficient time


[p.296]: to drink water. At nightfall they halted at the village of Pariyárí. Early next morning they pursued their journey, and reached the village of Sítára, which belonged to the Anrán tribe. There they rested themselves without fear or danger. They divided the camels amongst themselves. One was given to Jaish Khan, another to Birlás, another to 'Aláu-d dín, and another to Míán Sodha.

Proceedings of Khán-i Zamán

Khán-i Zamán had his head-quarters at Nasrpúr, and comforted the people under his rule by his kindness and justice.

* * * * * * *

As ties of relationship existed between him and the Bhattís, he sent Arab horses laden with all kinds of valuable articles to the Ránás of the Sodha, Rára, and Bhattí tribes, the Ráwats and the Ráthors, and the Ráís and Jáms of the Jhárejas; insomuch that the chiefs of 'Umarkot, Jesalmír, Bíkánír, Nirohí, Mahwa (Míwár?), Kótara, Báhalmír, Nílma, Bárkar, Kach, Náktí, Rámdinpúr, Chaudúwár, and the like, were gained by his bounty. No demand of service was made from them. These chiefs engraved the words of friendship and fidelity on their hearts, and considering themselves greatly honoured, were ready to exclaim:-"We are under great obligations to the Sháh! We can think of nothing else but of serving him. For we are favoured by his generosity, and will never turn our faces against his commands." Being grateful they were always ready to obey his orders. If any service was required of them, they performed it with the greatest fidelity and submission, and whenever they were summoned they came willingly. As the Bháts and Chárans were dependents of these chiefs he used to reward these family bards whenever they came to him, with a lakh (of rupees?) or more. As Hewanda was the bard of the Bhattís, he presented him with a donation of one crore and a quarter, or one hundred and twenty-five lakhs (?), besides horses, camels, etc., which he likewise generously granted. In short, by the wise conduct of this great and enlightened noble, all men, great and small, bad and good, were as obedient to him as


[p.297]: slaves. The renown of the excellent qualities of this second Hátim or Ma'n, was not only on the tongues of all the nobles and plebeians of his own land, but also spread over every part of the world.

The Sacking of 'Umarkot

The appointment of the governorship of 'Umarkot depended upon the will of the kings of Sind, who removed the incumbent whenever they thought proper. About the time when Khán-i Khánán came to Sind, the governorship of that fort was held by Ráná Megráj. Khán-i Khánán expressed a desire to be connected by marriage with the Ráná, who having no daughter fit to be given in marriage to him, he was obliged to offer the hand of his brother Mán Sing's daughter. After the death of Ráná Megráj, Nawwáb Mirzá Jání Beg conferred the governorship of 'Umarkot on his son Kishan Dás. Animosity sprang up between this chief and Mán Sing, and he, having turned out Mán Sing from the fort, assumed the surname himself. Mán Sing, being related to Khán-i Khánán, sent his son to represent the matter to him. In those days Khan-i Khánán and Nawwáb Mirzá Jání Beg were both in attendance on the Emperor Akbar at Burhánpúr. Khán-i Khánán therefore recommended Mán Sing to the favour of Mirzá Jání Beg, who wrote to Mirzá Abú-l Kásim Sultán directing him to place Mán Sing in the governorship of the fort of 'Umarkot, and make Kishan Das understand that he was not to oppose and thwart him, but that the same rule with regard to their respective positions should be observed now, as had been established from of old in the family. Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán, in obedience to this mandate, proceeded from the fort of Sháhgarh1 towards 'Umarkot. Having reached the village of Sámára he alighted there, Mán Sing being also with him. Ráná Kishan Dás being informed of this, collected his forces, and having encamped opposite the same village, drew up his army in hostile array. The Ráná Kishan Dás was in many ways related to the noble Khán-i Zamán, one of his sisters being married to Mír Abú-l Kásim, another to Sháh Mukím Sultán,2 and he himself was son-in-law of Báncha Bhattí, the maternal nephew of


[p.298]: the Khán. Some friendly people who were with the Amír were anxious that no fighting should take place between the parties. When they expressed their intention to the Ráná, he said he considered himself a servant of Mír Abú-l Kásim, and would not rebel against him: still Mán Sing must not be allowed any interference, because he was the originator of these quarrels and disturbances. Mír Abú-l Kásim, however, adhered to the orders he had received to place Mán Sing in the governorship. At length, upon the instigation of his well-meaning friends, the Ráná resolved to go to Mír Abú-l Kásim Sultán. So when he arrived, he alighted from his horse, and having changed his vanity and pride for humility and supplication, he advanced on foot for a long distance with his whole army, officers, dependants, and servants. He kissed the feet of the Sultán, and presented him the horse on which he had himself ridden. The Sultán mounted and gave him his hand. He then pitched his tent near1 the pool of Sámára and passed the night there. The Ráná also encamped on the margin of the pool. At daybreak, some of the people of the Mír's camp, who belonged to the Sameja tribe, went into the fields of the Sodhas and began to injure them. As hostilities had previously existed between these tribes, the Sodhas abused the Samejas, and a quarrel ensued. Intelligence being brought to Mír Abú-l Kásim, he immediately hastened off; and Ráná Kishan Dás also set his army in array, and advanced with intent to fight, but his heart failing him, he took to flight, and proceeded towards Kaurhár. Mír Abú-l Kásim with his followers and companions, hastened to 'Umarkot. When he approached the fort, a son of the Ráná Kishan Dás who was in it, not being able to oppose him, took some money with him and fled. Upon this, the Mír entered the fort and the whole family of the Ráná were captured. But as they were related to him, they, together with his treasures,2 were of course protected. All other things, however, were taken possession of by the army. Temples were demolished, cows were directed to be butchered, and the houses of the vile infidels were made to resound with the sound of trumpets and horns, and their filthy idols were polluted. In the idolatrous places of worship Muhammadan tenets were pro-


[p.299]: mulgated, and prayers were read for one entire week. He remained in the fort passing his time in festivity and pleasure. As the killing of cows and the breaking of idols is considered by the Sodhas to be the highest possible insult, the Ráná felt highly indignant, and having returned from the village of Kaurhár, he summoned the Sodhas from all sides and quarters to meet him at Gaddí. There they crowded ready to advance on 'Umarkot. They had been subjected to great ignominy, and so they were all ready to sacrifice their lives in revenge. When this news reached Khán-i Zamán, he, reflecting that both parties were enrolled in his army, was most anxious that no contest should take place between them, and consequently hurried away with the intention of effecting a reconciliation between them. He set out in the evening from Nasrpúr, and having travelled the whole night arrived early the next morning at the village of Gaddí, where the Ráná and the Sodhas had encamped. He sent his son Mír Sháh Mukím Sultán, Mír Fathí Beg Sultán, and Kána Bhattí, brother of Rám Bhattí, to the Ráná, in order to appease and comfort him. They accordingly went to him, and so far appeased him that he was induced to accompany them, and had the honour of kissing the Khán's feet. The Khán exalted him by the grant of a horse and robe of honour, and spoke words of sympathy and consolation. * * * * In the end, some of the plundered property was restored, but the Ráná obtained only poor satisfaction.


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