The Rajas of the Punjab by Lepel H. Griffin/The History of the Patiala State:Part II

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The Rajas of the Punjab by Lepel H. Griffin
Printed by the Punjab Printing Company, Limited, Lahore 1870

The History of the Patiala State:Part II


The conquests of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1806

This unfortunate family was completely despoiled to reward the friends and allies of Ranjit Singh. The chief representatives were, at this time, two women, Nur-un-nisa, widow of Rai Alyas Khan, and Lachmi ; but Ranjit Singh had no generosity and preferred despoiling a widow to attacking a Chief who was better able to resist. From the plunder of this family Raja Bhag Singh received the districts of Ludhiana, Jhandala, Kot, Jagraon and Basia, including 54 villages, of an annual rental of Rs. 23,260 ; Sirdar Gurdit Singh of Ladwa, the districts of Baddowal, with portions of Jagraon, 32 villages, worth Ss. 23,540 ; Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha, portions of Kot Basia, Talwandi and Jagraon, 31 villages, worth Rs. 26,690 ; Sirdar Fatah Singh Ahluwalia, portions of Dhaka, Kot, Basia, Jagraon and Talwandi, 106 villages, worth Rs. 40,505 ; Diwan Mokham Chand portions of Ghilla, Kot, Jagraon and Talwandi, 71 villages, worth Rs. 33,945, Sirdar Bassawa Singh 10 villages in Kot and Jagraon worth Rs. 5,714, and Sirdar Bhanga Singh one village in Talwandi worth Rs. 400. The only other conquest of Ranjit Singh, during this campaign, was the district of Ghumgrana from Gujar Singh, Jat Singh and Kabil Khan, which he divided between Sirdar Gurdit Singh Ladwa and Raja Juswant


* President Dehli to Officer Commanding at Karnal, dated 10th November 1806. Officers Commanding at Meerut, Karnal, Rewari and Saharunpnr to Resident Dehli, dated Srd, 4th, 5th, 10th of November 1806.


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Singh, the former taking 5 villages worth Rs. 23,550, and the latter 7 worth Ss. 3,350.*

The departure of the Raja of Lahore was the signal for a renewal of the conflict between Sahib Singh and Rani Aus Kour. The confusion into which the administration fell was inconceivable ; the officials taking one side or the other as they fancied their own fortunes would be better furthered, and perpetual fights and bloodshed being the result It became unsafe for strangers to enter the territory; and Lieutenant White, employed by the British Government on a survey of the frontier, was fired upon at Khoralah, a town held by the friends of the Rani, compelled to retrace his steps and abandon his survey for the time, although furnished with full authority under the Raja's hand and seal.

Ranjit Singh again invited to Pattiala AD 1807:

The Pattiala Sirdars and the Rajas of Jhind and Nabha who had benefited much by the late visit of Ranjit Singh, again invited his assistance, which he very willingly promised. He collected a large body of horse, under the command of his famous General Diwan Mohkam Chund, and Sirdars Fatah Singh Ahluwalia and Gharba Singh†† ; and in September 1807, he appeared before Pattiala where the intrigues of the former year were repeated in order to induce him to expose the cause of one party or the other. It was a mere question of money, and the Rani bribed highest. Besides money and diamonds, she gave


* Vide Appendix A.— Statement of the conquests of Maharaja Ranjit Singh during the years 1806, 1807, 1808, and History of Diwan Mokham Chund in Panjab Chiefs, p. 552.
† Lieutenant White to Resident Dehli, 18th and 28th July 1807. Resident Dehli to Lieutenant White 25ih May 1807.
†† Resident of Dehli to Major General Commanding Mathra dated 20th August 1807.

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The compromise effected:

Ranjit Singh a brass gun named Khuri Khan, afterwards taken by the English during the Satlej campaign; and by his influence and that of the Rajas of Jhind and Nabha, Sirdar Bhanga Singh of Thanesar and Bhai Lai Singh, a compromise was at last effected, by which an estate of Rs. 50,000, consisting of the districts of Banur, Manimajra, Sunour, Surali Bissoli and Minarthal, was settled upon Rani Aus Kour for the maintenance of herself and her son Kour Karm Singh. *

The conquests of Ranjit Singh during 1807-1808:

After this arrangement, Ranjit Singh marched by way of Ambala to Naraingarh, a strong fort held by Kour Kishan Singh, which he invested. For nearly three weeks it held out, and in one of the assaults, Sirdar Fatah Singh, Kalianwala, one of Ranjit Singh's bravest Generals, was mortally wounded. After the capture of the place, it was conferred with its surrounding villages on Sirdar Fatah Singh Ahluwalia, the estate being valued at Rs. 12,580 a year. The same Chief received 3 villages of Jat Mal Singh of Raipur, worth Rs. 1,200 ; and 3 villages in Ghumgrana, captured from the same Chief and worth Rs. 2,255, were given to Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind, with the estate of Morinda, in Sirhind, taken from the sons of Dharam Singh who refused to pay a nazrana to the invader. This estate consisted of 27 villages and was worth Rs. 17,000. The Nabha Chief only received one village from the Ghumgrana estate ; while Diwan Mokham Chand, who was fast rising to favour, obtained the district of Zira, now in the Firozpur district, taken


* A copy of this document accompanies the letter of Captain Ross, D. Superintendent to Agent to Governor General Dehli, dated 5th February 1823.


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from the widow of Sirdar Mohr Singh Nishanwala and comprising 12 villages, worth Se. 7,500 ; Kot Kapura in the same district, held by Jaggat Singh of Buria with 11 villages, worth Rs. 61,400 ; and 12 villages from Dharam Kot, being part of the estate of Sirdar Tara Singh Gheba who had lately died. The remainder of this estate, with the exception of a few villages, was given in jagir to Gharba Singh, whose share consisted of 62 villages, worth Rs. 22,634. The remainder of the Ghumgrana district, 36 villages, worth Be. 23,415, was conferred on Sirdar Karam Singh of Nagla.*

During this same campaign the district of Wadni in Firozpur was conquered by Diwan Mokham Chand, and later in the year was given by the Maharaja to his mother-in-law Mai Sada Kour, whose family lived in Raoki, a Wadni village.


* Vide Appendix A. The fort of Ghumgrana, with these villages, belonged to Sirdar Tara Singh Gheba. Soon after his death, the Rajas of Pattiala, Nabha, Jhind, Bhai Lal Singh of Kythal and Gurdit Singh of Ladwa, joined forces and besieged it. The fort was defended by Gujar Singh, son of Sirdar Tara Singh]], for some time with success ; till at length [[Ranjit Singh raised the siege by a message to the confederated Chiefs, ordering them to desist, and, in spite of their disgust, they obeyed the order. Was it then possible that the Maharaja, for once in his life, should protect the weak against the strong, and do an action which might be called generous ? The motive was easily found. He sent an army to seize the fort and estate for himself; and the unfortunate Gujar Singh, unable to resist, fled to Pattiala.
† Diwan Mohkana Chand, in March 1808, captured Patoki and 15 villages of the Wadni district from Mian Noudan. In September, the Maharaja, when encamped at Maler Kotla, made an unconditional grant of the whole district to Sada Kour, who paid for it Rs. 15,000. She was put in possession of the fort of Fatoki and the villages seized by Mohkam Chand, but she did not obtain possession of Wadni and Himatpur till 1817, when she crossed the Satlej in person and took both the forts by force of arms from Amar Singh, son of Mian Koudan, who had died some time before. Her right did not, however, arise from this action of hers, but from the grant of Ranjit Singh, for Mian Noudan had from the date of the grant, been recognized as her zamindar ; and Sir D. Ochterlony in a decree dated 21st November 1811, gave her full authority to employ troops against him. The expedition against Amar Singh was, on the same


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The Cis-Satlej Chiefs ask for British protection, can obtain no promise:


The Cis-Satlej Chiefs now began to perceive that unless they united among themselves or invited foreign assistance, they would, one by one, be destroyed by the Lahore Raja, whose power their own divisions had so much increased In March 1808, Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind, Bhai Lal Singh of Kythal and Sirdar Chen Singh, the confidential Agent of the Raja of Pattiala, visited Mr. Seton, the Resident at Dehli, to sound him as to the extent and kind of protection which the British Government might be willing to afford them. *

The Government was disposed to protect them, but had not determined how to act ; and the Chiefs then proceeded to Hardwar, hoping to make some amicable arrangement with Ranjit Singh who meditated a visit to the sacred city ; but, at the last moment, after all had been prepared for his reception, he changed his mind and remained at Lahore.

Ranjit Singh arranges a visit with the Raja of Pattiala at Laknour:

One reason for this was that he had heard of the intrigues of the Pattiala Raja with the English and Ranjit Singh and desired an interview with that Chief on Sikh soil rather than on British, where he could uot use force if he were unable to persuade. He accordingly proposed a meeting with Raja Sahib Singh at Laknour south of the Satlej, The Raja was most unwill-


grounds, permitted by Sir D. Ochterloiiy, who authorized her to eject Amar Singh from his villages in a precept dated 20th July 1816.
Vide also Sir D. Ochterlony to Captain Rosa, dated 7th November 1821, and Captain Murray to Sir D. Colebrooke, dated 19th February 1828.
The estate of Wadni has lately been the subject of a political claim, in the course of which it has been affirmed that the district was conquered by Sada Kour in the first instance, and also that it was inherited by her. Both assertions are utterly untrue.
* Resident Dehli to Mr. C. Metcalfe, 2nd April 1808.


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ing to accept the invitation and evaded compliance for some time, but at last he consented from sheer terror, and the meeting took place on the 24th November 1808, when Maharaja Ranjit Singh appeared at the head of his army, which he had been employing in the reduction of Faridkot, Saniwal, Jhandbar, Bairampur, Dhari and Chandpur, all of which, worth some Rs. 50,000 a year, he had granted to his favorite Mohkam Chand. He received Raja Sahib Singh with the utmost kindness ; swore to remain always his friend ; to have no enemies but his enemies, no friends but his friends ; and, as a token of eternal brotherhood, the Chiefs exchanged turbans, a ceremony which had in it something of a sacred nature but in which neither were sincere, nor were any of those who witnessed the engagements persuaded that they were made otherwise than for temporary convenience. *

Ranjit Singh’s return to the Punjab, December 1808:

After this farce had been played out, Ranjit Singh marched northwards, accompanied by Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind, to the Satlej, which he crossed on the 2nd December, leaving a garrison of nearly ten thousand men behind him in Ambala, which he had taken from Rani Dya Kour, widow of Sirdar Gurbaksh Singh, who had died in 1783. Raja Sahib Singh made no secret of his


* Letter of Resident Dehli, to Secretary to Government, dated 7th December 1808, and of Mr. G. Metcalf, Envoy to Lahore to Resident Dehli, dated December 9th, 1808.
Sirdar Gurbaksh Singh had himself obtained Ambala by violence and fraud. The town and district were first conquered by Sangat Singh, who made them over to his brother-in-law Dhyan Singh and went to Singhwala in Firozpnr, where he died. Dhyan Singh also went away, leaving Gurbaksh Singh and Lal Singh as Thanadars in charge ; but, after five years absence, he found they had taken possession for themselves, and refused to give up the town. Lal Singh then built a fort called Jamiyatgarh, on the Pattiala border, rousing the jealousy of Raja Amar Singh, who attacked him in company with the Raja of Jhind and the Rai of Kot, but was unable to prevent


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The account given by Raja Shahib Singh of the Maharaja’s visit :

sentiments, which may be best seen from a letter which he addressed to the Resident of Dehli, who, on the approach of the Maharaja of Lahore, had written to Sahib Singh, without waiting for by Sahib Singh of distinct orders from Calcutta, and had promised him protection. This comforting letter Sahib Singh did not, however, receive till after the dreaded interview was over. His own narrative of what occurred is as follows : —

"Having marched from Kotlah to this quarter, he (Ranjit Singh) expressed a desire that a meeting between us should take place. He himself advanced to the neighbourhood of Pattiala and fixed his camp at Ambala, which he took possession of; moreover, in consequence of Sirdar Bhanga Singh having come to Pattiala through friendship for me, and joined my party, he ordered Dumah and other places belonging to the said Sirdar to be given up, and placed them in charge of Sahib Singh Balik, who had united with the Chiefs of Aluah. He then encamped at Shahabad. The kind conduct (used ironically) which he observed towards the family of the late Karm Singh, a relative of mine, is well known. Although after such conduct on his part, I should have declined a meeting, yet upon his reaching Shahabad he sent Raja Bhag Singh, Chen Singh, my agent, and his own agent Must Singh to Pattiala, for the purpose of expressing his wish to meet me. Still, however, four or five days were taken up in discussing the the building of the fort. After the death of Lal Singh, his colleague, Gurbaksh Singh, became sole Sirdar. He died childless, and his widow, Dya Kour, succeeded in 1783. She was temporarily ejected by Ranjit Singh, but was restored by General Octlierlony ; and held the estate till 1823, when it lapsed to Government. She was an excellent ruler and her estate was one of the best managed in the Protected Territory.


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matter on my part, but at length all the Chiefs gave it as their opinion that since Mr. Metcalfe had been sent on the part of the Governor General to wait on the Singh Sahib (Ranjit Singh), and establish the relations of friendship, my objecting and opposing singly would be of no avail. Having no choice, I followed the advice of the Chiefs, and, marching from Pattiala, I encamped at Laknour, where Baba Sahib Bedi Sahib Singhji, the revered descendant of Baba Nanak, was already encamped. The second day after my arrival the Singh Sahib (Ranjit Singh) left Shahabad and repaired to the same place, and we met in the presence of Baba Sahib. Four or five days after this, no further intercourse taking place, I sent for Mast Singh, the agent to the Singh Sahib, and asked the reason for the discontinuance of our intercourse. He replied that the wish of the Singh Sahib was to bring about that complete and precise friendship which is testified by an exchange of turbans ; adding, that in the event of my objecting, although in consequence of the presence of Baba Sahib nothing hostile to me might be manifested, yet, after my departure for Pattiala, the real intentions of the Singh Sahib would be evident.

" My friend ; after repeated delays, I became at length completely hopeless, and seeing that the mind of the Singh Sahib was inclined to violence, I was induced, by the advice of all the Sirdars, to consent to his desire. Had your kind letter arrived at Pattiala two or three days before my departure, notwithstanding the number of his troops then in my country, I would have replied to him in the language of defiance."


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The reply of the Resident to Pattiala and Jhind, December 1808:

The letter is interesting, both as giving a true account of the facts and a striking picture of the feebleness of the Raja of Pattiala. The Resident at Dehli returned a friendly and encouraging answer, as also to a letter from Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind directly- asking for British protection for Pattiala, Nabha and Jhind ; but the Resident was not in a position to give full assurances of protection.* Sahib Singh then urged his case in stronger terms, assuring the Resident that "he considered the officers of the "English Government his superiors, patrons and protectors," without whose aid he had no hope of safety,

The policy of the English Government towards Ranjit Singh and Cis-Satlaj States:

It is now necessary to go back in the narration a few months, to show the intentions of the British Government towards the Cis-Satlej States, and the modifications which circumstances effected in those intentions.

In 1808, when the European Napoleon was at the height of his power, the Governor General received intelligence that the French, who, for some time, had been endeavouring to establish themselves in Persia, designed also the conquest of Kabul and the Punjab. The Government accordingly determined to despatch Envoys to both Lahore and Kabul, who might persuade the rulers of those countries that their interests and those of England were identical, and that their wisest policy was to unite for the destruction of the common enemy.


* Resident to Raja Sahib Singh, dated 3rd December 1 808, and to Raja Bhag Singh of the 4th December. Letter of Raja Bhag Siugh to Resident received 3rd December 1808.
† Raja Sahib Singh to Resident dated 4th December 1808.

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Envoys despatched to Lahore and Kabul:

Mr. C. T. Metcalfe was selected to conduct the Lahore negotiations, and Mr. Elphinstone those with Kabul ; and, in August 1808, the former started on his mission.

The position of Maharaja Ranjit Singh...:

At the time of the mission to Lahore, Ranjit Singh had conquered a large portion of the Punjab proper, between the Jhelam aud the Bias. Those Chiefs, like Jodh Singh Ramgharia and Fatah Singh Ahluwalia, who still held a large extent of territory, were, in reality, subject to his authority and attended him on all his expeditions with large contingents of troops. The north-west portion of the Punjab was held by the Afghans ; the province of Multan by Muzaffar Khan, and the hill country by Raja Sansar Chand, Katoch ; but all these were beginning to respect the power and the fortune of the Maharaja and to calculate the time when his arms would be turned against them. His ambition and conquests:

His great ambition was to be ruler of the whole Sikh nation, and from this design he was not to be turned except by finding opposed to him a power greater than his own. Already, in the campaigns of 1806, 1807, 1808, he had made considerable progress in reducing the country between the Satlej and the Jamna, aided not more by his own energy and determination than by the apathy of the Cis-Satlej Chiefs who had no union among them-selves, whose interests were mostly conflicting, and who seemed to wait, with despair, their certain absorption, unless the British Government should take them under its strong protection ; and of this they had now little hope. They still continued, and with some success, to impress upon the Maharaja


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that the British Government was prepared to defend them against his attacks ; but after the discouraging reception which the principal Chiefs had experienced from the Resident at Dehli, in March, they were disposed to trust more to the clemency of the Maharaja than the protection of the English.

The despair of the Cis-Satlaj Chiefs, who resolve to make terms with Lahore:

Soon after this interview, the whole party, with the exception of Sirdar Bhagwan Singh of Jagadri, went to Lahore, and were still there, in attendance on the Maharaja, when the British Envoy reached Kassur, in September.*. The Chiefs with him, at that time, were Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind ; Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha; Bhai Lal Singh of Kythal; and Gurdit Singh of Ladwa ; while the Raja of Pattiala, the Chiefs of Thanesar, Basia and others were represented by their agents. Some of these Chiefs, as has before been shown, had acknowledged the supremacy of Ranjit Singh by aiding him in the field and by accepting estates from the conquered territory, which they held, on jagir tenure, subject to him.

Little was indeed wanting to extend his authority over all the Cis-Satlej States ; and the fear of English interference, which had hitherto influenced him, was growing weaker and weaker as he perceived that his successive encroachments met with no opposition. Ranjit Singh had no reason to love the British Government: This dream of a Sikh monarchy uniting the whole nation under his rule, having, for the Maharaja, so great an attraction, it was to be supposed that any


* Letter of Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, dated 1st October 1808.

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opposition to its realization from the British Government would be sufficient to change him from a suspicious ally into a secret enemy, or indeed into an active and open one, should any opportunity occur, when, by alliance with a foreign power, he might hope to avenge himself upon the Government that had thwarted him. Over the whole territory that he had conquered his power was absolute ; for his policy was to remove to new jagirs the families he had reduced and to entrust their possessions to such of his Dependants whose devotion he could surely trust. Although in the army there was much disaffection, yet he was implicitly obeyed ; and every private soldier was taught to look to the Maharaja as his master, although he might be serving under the banner of his own hereditary Chief.

He was hated by the chiefs of the Punjab proper:

By the Sirdars he was hated, for he destroyed their power ; and he treated them with a hauteur which showed his determination to make no distinction between them and the common people so far as absolute subservience to himself was concerned. The Envoy to Lahore remarked that the Cis-Satlej Rajas and Chiefs in the Maharaja's Camp were as submissive as if they had long been used to his authority and showed no sign of independence whatever.

His jealousy of the English:

Towards the British Government, the Maharaja, at this time, had no sincere good- will ; and it was commonly reported that he intended to try his strength with the English, and had, with this design, made a secret alliance with Holkar and the Raja of Bharatpur. Though this was unfounded, and although the Maharaja was too wise to wish for a rupture with the British Government, yet he, like


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all ambitious princes, looked with the greatest jealousy, if not hatred, upon any power stronger than his own ; especially one whose interests he knew were adverse to his, and whom he suspected of an intention to thwart his most cherished schemes. He had not yet learnt the strength and resources of the British Government, and his unvarying success and the flattery of his courtiers had half persuaded him that he was invincible. Such being the position and the sentiments of Ranjit Singh, it was hardly to be supposed that he, to whom the French Emperor was a very doubtful danger and a possible ally, should have entered with any enthusiasm into the designs of the Governor General, without seeking to obtain some real and tangible advantage for himself.

The British Embassy leaves Karnal, August 1808, Reaches Pattiala:

Mr. Metcalfe left Karnal in the middle of August 1808, and on the 22nd, arrived at Pattiala, and was received by Raja Sahib Singh with the greatest politeness. At the first public reception, the Raja tried to induce the Envoy to accept the keys of the town and to restore them as a gift on the part of the British Government ; saying, in the strongest language, that he threw himself on its protection, and that without it his Government and life would end together. Mr. Metcalfe declined the ceremony, understanding that the Raja desired to thus obtain the appearance of a guarantee from the British Government for the integrity of his State, and, assuring him of the good-will which the Government entertained for him, remarked that the keys of Pattiala had for long been secure in his hands and that there was every hope of their long remaining so.*


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 24th August 1808.


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The terror of Raja Sahib Singh:

The Raja had, nevertheless, good reason for alarm. It was given out publicly at Lahore that Ranjit Singh was about to march against Faridkot, adjoining the Pattiala territory, and intended to deprive Sahib Singh of all his possessions ; and after the departure of the mission, the Raja hastily began to strengthen Pattiala and his other forts, though his weakness and indecision were such that it was most unlikely he would offer any resistance to the Maharaja, should he appear as an enemy.

Ranjit Singh marches to Kassur:

As the Envoy approached the capital of the Lahore State, the Maharaja marched into camp at Kassur, with the double object of being prepared for the expedition beyond the Satlej, which he had definitely determined, and of preventing the British Envoy from seeing his principal cities of Lahore and Amritsar.

The opening of negotiations:

Mr. Metcalfe reached Kassur on the 11th of September and was courteously received, * but it was difficult to induce the Ranjit Singh to enter upon the subject of the negotiations with which Mr. Metcalfe was entrusted. Meeting after meeting took place at which all reference to business was studiously avoided, the Raja seeming to desire to cross the Satlej and commence his campaign without waiting to hear the propositions of the Envoy at all.

The Proposals and counter Proposals:

At length, at a private Durbar, Mr. Metcalfe, was invited to explain the wishes of British Government, which he accordingly did, pointing out the danger


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, dated 2nd, 4th, 5th, and 13th of September 1808.

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threatened by a French invasion ; that the Maharaja and the English were both deeply interested in preventing it ; and that an alliance of the two States, for mutual defence, would be the highest wisdom. The Maharaja and his advisers expressed the greatest satisfaction at the prospect of an alliance with the English and an entire concurrence in the Governor General's wishes.* This alliance, it was said, would put to shame those who spoke of hostility between the two States ; and it would be materially strengthened by the agreement of the Envoy to certain propositions which the Maharaja had laid before the Governor General, and which, it was presumed, the Envoy had authority to answer. The chief point was the acknowledgment of Ranjit Singh's sovereignty over all the Sikh Chiefs and territories ; after which the treaty could be signed and the alliance with England remain firm for ever. Mr. Metcalfe urged that in the defensive treaty against France the advantage to both the English Government and the Maharaja was apparent, and that it was not fitting to turn from this common basis to propositions which only concerned the advantage of one party. The Sikh ministers, however, pressed for a reply to their demands, and it was decided that both parties should put their propositions in writing for further consideration. The next day, after another conference with his ministers, in which the Envoy had held out little hope of his claims over the Cis-Satlej States being allowed, Ranjit Singh struck his Camp, and


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, dated IStli, 17th, 18th and 20th September 1808.
t Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 23rd, 24th, of September 1808.


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The Maharaja Ranjit Singh crosses the Satlej; and determines to break off negotiations:

inviting the Envoy to follow him, marched to the Satlei ; and the next day crossed the river and encamped at Khai, a village some ten miles inland.* His jealousy was now fully roused : the mission to Kabul be desired to stop, as he believed that an alliance with that Court, hostile to himself, was projected, and the mission to his own Court he determined to get rid of as soon as possible. Mr. Metcalfe was justly displeased at the discourtesy with which he was treated, but he followed the Maharaja, to Khai and had another interview which did not much advance the negotiations.

He captures Faridkot:

But the question was, in a way, settling itself. Faridkot surrendered to Ranjit Singh without offering any resistance on the 1st of October, and the Chief prepared for further conquests, though he had promised to remain at Khai for sufficient time to enable the negotiations to be concluded. On the 4th of October, in spite of the protests of the Envoy, who urged that he had no authority to accompany the army on a campaign, he marched to Faridkot to inspect his new acquisition.††

The draft treaty of Envoy:

The Envoy felt himself constrained to follow as he had already submitted a draft treaty and was awaiting the Maharaja's reply. §


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 25th, 26th, September 1808.
† Mr. Metcalfe to Government India, dated 80th September 1808.
†† Mr. Metcalfe to Government India, of 1st, 6th and 15th October.
§ The treaty only consisted of three proposition : —
1. A defensive alliance between the two States against France in case of any invasion.
2. Free passage and assistance to an English army, should it be necessary to meet the enemy beyond the Indus or in Afghanistan.
3. The maintenance of a line of communication with Kabul, the messengers and runners to be especially protected by the Maharaja.


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The draft treaty of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh

The draft treaty of the British Envoy only referred to an alliance against France ; But the Maharaja, who considered that the present was the time to obtain concessions from the English Government, submitted, on the 8th October, the draft of a second treaty, also consisting of three propositions ; the first, asking for non-interference in his disputes with the sovereign of Kabul ; the second, concluding a perpetual alliance between him and the English ; and, the third, declaring his right of sovereignty over the whole Sikh country. It required, moreover, this right to be acknowledged, with an engagement that no Chief should be defended by the English ; but that the whole country should be left to his management, without any interference whatever.

The Envoy again stated that he had no authority from his Government to make any promise or sign any treaty regarding Ranjit Singh's connection with Kabul or the Cis-Satlej States ; but agreed to refer the propositions to Calcutta for the decision of the Governor General. It was finally decided that two treaties should be drawn up, one containing the propositions of the Maharaja ; the other, those of the Envoy, and that both should be forwarded to Calcutta for ratification.*

Who marches against Maler Kotla:

The Maharaja, the day after this decision marched from Faridkot to Maler Kotla, 70 miles to the eastward, where Ata-ulla Khan was still Chief. At Faridkot he had not made up his mind whom to attack. He had no enemies in the Cis-Satlej States upon


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, dated October 20th 1808. With this the draft treaties were forwarded, and the uotesof the 9th, 11th and 14th of October of the Maharaja and Envoy.


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whom specially to avenge himself ; to him all were enemies who were independent of him or who possessed wealth which it was possible for him to seize. The Rajas of Pattiala, Nabha and Jhind had promised him a large sum of money if he would put them in possession of Bhatner, Sirsa and Fatahabad, the three principal forts of the Bhatti country ; but Ranjit Singh was too cautious to risk an expedition into a country so ill-supplied with water and grass ; and he possibly may have suspected the real motive of his advisers, who desired to engage him in a difficult contest with the Bhattis, in which his power might be broken or in which he might give offence to the British Government, by invading territory which was theirs by conquest, though they had not yet taken formal possession. So he chose the policy of plundering Chiefs who were unable to resist ; and demanded from Maler Kotla a tribute of a lakh of Rupees, part of which, after some protest, was paid, as the seizure of the whole estate would have been the result of a refusal, and for the remainder the Phulkian Chiefs gave their security.

The Afghan Chief implores British protection:

The Maler Kotla Chief, on the day of Mr. Metcalfe's arrival in camp, sent an agent to implore his assistance and to claim the protection of the British Government ; but the Envoy could only tell him that he was unable to interfere, though the Government had no sympathy with this act of oppression, and that the presence of the mission in the Maharaja's camp gave no sanction to the Cis-Satlej expedition.*

It was indeed high time to give such assurances, for the presence of the Envoy with the Maharaja could not but be misunderstood. How-


* Mr. Metcalfe, to Government of India, 25th October 1808.

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The policy of Maharaja Ranjit Singh eminently wise:

ever insincere the conduct of Ranjit Singh may have been, there was something of genius in his policy which deserved success. When the Envoy first commenced his negotiations, the Maharaja at once perceived that an opportunity had arrived for demanding an acknowledgment of his right to sovereignty over the Cis-Satlej States, the first desire of his heart. It is true that he had absolutely no right to such sovereignty, and had himself proposed to Lord Lake that the Satlej should be the frontier line of the two States. But since that time his strength had infinitely increased, and his ambition had grown with his strength. Besides, he fancied, perhaps erroneously, but still with some reason, that the British Government were somewhat in his power. France to him was a name and nothing more : he neither loved nor hated it, or its Emperor ; and he clearly perceived that the Envoy's assurances that the Governor General desired this defensive treaty against France out of a sincere regard for the interests of Lahore and that the Punjab, and not British India, was the State that would benefit by the alliance were absurd — for England, and not Lahore, was the enemy of France ; and if the love of the British Government for him was so great, why had they so long kept it a profound secret. Yet if they were sincere ; if they truly thought first of him arid his interests, rather than of their own, and had no desire to persuade him into an alliance which might be fatal to his rule, let them prove their sincerity by admitting his supremacy over the Cis-Satlej States.

He required concessions advantageous to him:

So the Maharaja argued, and it is difficult to


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say that he was wrong. For these reasons he determined to make the acceptance of his terms the condition of his signing the treaty ; he resolved to protract the negotiations as long as possible so as to allow him time to seize as much of the Cis-Satlej territory as he could before the negotiations were completed, for he would thus have, in possession, the best of arguments ; while, if he could only entice the British Envoy to join his camp, he would have almost an authority to continue his conquests ; and the Cis-Satlej Chiefs would be deprived of all heart for resistance when they saw the Envoy of the Power to which they looked for protection in the very camp of the enemy.

He tricked the Envoy:

With designs such as these, Ranjit Singh, by persuasion and promises and trickery, drew the Envoy to the Satlej, to Khai, to Faridkot, and lastly to Maler Kotla. Here Mr. Metcalfe determined to make a stand. He perceived that he had been used as a tool to work out the Maharaja's ends ; and when it was proposed that he should proceed to Ambala, in the vicinity of those very Chiefs who had solicited the protection of the Government, where the negotiations should be concluded, be resolvcd to refuse any longer to approve, by his presence, the subjugation of the entire country. He accordingly communicated his absolute objection to proceed further with the army, and desired some place to be assigned at which the mission might wait until the campaign was over.* Ranjit Singh now determined to make a last effort to shake the Envoy's resolution, and to obtain


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 26th October 1808.


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from him a declaration that he, the Maharaja, had full authority over the Cis-Satlej States and that the British Government would not interfere to protect them.

A passage of arms:

Mr. Metcalfe has left a most interesting account of this passage of arms, in which Ranjit Singh himself took part with his principal ministers, Diwan Mohkam Chand, Bhowani Das, Misr Prab Dyal, Fakirs Azizuddin and Imamuddin, and Sirdar Mith Singh Padhania. The subject of the conversation had been often discussed before and the Envoy had nothing new to say. It was urged that the Governor General had referred this very question of the Cis-Satlej States to his decision : the Envoy could only reply that the Governor General would no doubt wish from him full information on the subject, and that this would be furnished; but that no authority had been granted him to complete the arrangement, and that without such authority no action would be valid. One passage from the Envoy's description of the interview may be here quoted* : —

The Envoy’s letter:

" Reverting to the object of his wishes, the Raja said that the only little doubt that remained in his mind proceeded from his not being able to conceive why the Governor General should hesitate to grant such a trifling request. He did not, he said, ask any country from the British Government ; he only wanted to be left to carry on his concerns with the people of his own nation, his brethren, without interference. That they all acknowledged his supremacy, and that he merely wanted the


  • Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 30tb October 1808.


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Governor General to say that he would not dispute what was acknowledged by all. That the British Government had given away territories yielding large revenues on many occasions and was known to make great sacrifices for its friends ; and that he was not able to account for the hesitation in complying with his small request. I remarked upon this, that if the object of his request was trifling, the earnestness with which he pursued it was surprising, and that if it was important, he ought not to wonder that a certain degree of deliberation should take place upon it."


Neither party would give way:


The Envoy finally declined any declaration such as that desired without a reference to his Government, nor would he engage to do more than submit the whole matter for the consideration of the Governor General. After this, the hope of the negotiations being brought to a speedy or even a satisfactory termination seemed very remote. The Maharaja appeared determined to make his adhesion to the treaty Dependant upon the acceptance of his propositions by the British Government, and after vainly attempting to persuade the Envoy to accompany him to Ambala.

The mission halts at Fatahabad:

He assigned the town of Fatahabad for the residence of the mission, and started from Maler Kotla with his army on the 1st November 1808,* having dispatched to the Governor General a letter in which were reiterated the arguments which had failed to make any impression on the Envoy.

The progress of the campaign:

His campaign after parting with


  • Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India, 1st November 1808.

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the mission, was of the briefest. As has been before stated, he seized Ambala from the widow of the late Chief, and, not content with the land, he converted to his own use the money and jewels of this unfortunate lady. Shahabad he took from the sons of Sirdar Karm Singh, but restored it on the payment of a fine for tlie payment of which the Raja of Pattiala became security.

Ranjit Singh marches to Pattiala:

The only Chiefs who had not submitted to the supremacy of the Maharaja, a submission extorted by violence, fraud, and the prospect of imminent danger, were Sirdar Bhanga Singh of Thanesar and the Raja of Pattiala ; and towards the capital of the latter he marched the third week in November. Bhanga Singh joined Raja Sahib Singh at this place, and their united forces would have been able to offer a serious resistance to the Maharaja. But he was ever more of a diplomatist than a warrior. He preferred to attack those who were unable to defend themselves ; and throughout his march he had scrupulously avoided injuring the territory of Raja Sahib Singh. In the same way, although he took several places from Sirdar Bhanga Singh of Thanesar, a very powerful Chief, yet he restored them again without any apparent cause.

The meeting between the Chiefs of Lahore and Pattiala, November 1808:

His infantry and artillery were at Thanesar several days, but were recalled without any attempt to injure the place. The meeting between him and Raja Sahib Singh has been described, and there can be no doubt but that Ranjit Singh felt as much hesitation regarding it as Sahib Singh himself He would have liked to attack the Raja and annex his country, but he dared not do so ; and


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he instead swore eternal friendship with the intention of breaking the oath on the first suitable opportunity.

Ranjit Singh returns to Amritsar:

After this he returned to Amritsar by forced marches, arriving there on the 4th December, and was joined by Mr. Metcalfe, the British Envoy, on the 10th of the same month.

The ultimation of the Governor General:

The storm which had been long impending over the Maharaja now broke; and the Envoy's first duty was to give him a letter from the Governor General, rebuking him for his discourteous treatment of the Mission and emphatically declaring the Cis-Satlej Chiefs under the protection of the English Government* From the note of the Envoy of the 12th December, may be learnt the


* Vide instructions of Government to Mr. Metcalfe dated 31st October 1808.
† Note of Mr. Metcalfe of 12th December 1808, transmitted to the Raja of Lahore.
" His Lordship has learnt with great surprise and concern, tliat the Maharaja aims at the subjection of Chiefs who have long been considered under the protection of the power ruling in the north of Hindoostan, and is more essentially astonished to find that the Maharaja requires the assent of the British Government to the execution of his design.
" By the issue of a war with the Maharttas the British Government became possessed of the power and right formerly exercised by that nation in the north of Hindoostan.
" At the time the Maharaja had no claim on the countiy between the Satlej and the Jamna. In an early period of that contest, a communication was received from the Maharaja, by the late Lord Lake, which proposed to fix the Satlej as the boundary between the British Government and his; which is a clear proof that the Maharaja in those days was well aware that the country in question was dependant on tlio power paramount in the north of Hindoostan.
" Since the British Government has come into this situation, it has relieved the Chiefs between the Satlej and Jamna from tribute, and that degree of subservience which they were used to pay to the Mahrattas, and has allowed them to carry on their own concerns without interference or control. But this liberality on the part of the British Government was meant for the benefit of those Chiefs ; not for their injury. It was never intended that the forbearance of the British Government should be taken advantage of by another power, to oppress and subjugate those whom the British Government wished to protect and relieve.
"In reply, therefore, to the Maharaja’s requisition, it is hereby declared, that the British Government cannot consent that these Chiefs should


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The true reasons for the determination of the British Government:

...considerations which induced this decision of the Government ; but other reasons, which it was then in-convenient to state openly, had their weight. A French invasion was beginning to be believed the impossibility it really was; and the desire for a defensive alliance against France was growing naturally weaker. The British Government was not, at any rate, disposed to allow its northern frontier to be in a chronic state of invasion or disturbance in order to obtain a treaty which would probably be worthless when obtained. For, in the first place, a French invasion was most


be subjugated by the Maharaja or any other power ; and it is hereby announced that those Chiefs, according to established custom, are, and will remain under the protection of the British Government.
“Exclusive of these considerations which are sufficient to demonstrate the just principles by which the determination of the British Government is swayed, there are circumstances in the conduct of the Maharaja in bringing forward his proposal, which would, in any case, make it impossible to comply with.
“The British Government sent an Envoy to the Maharaja to give him information of a great danger, and to offer the assistance of the British Government to repel it, and made certain propositions to the Maharaja which were particularly calculated to promote his interest. The Maharaja, for reasons which are not discernible, did not receive those propositions with the same confidence and cordiality with which they were made, but in reply brought forward a demand for the assent of the British Government for the subjugation of the Chiefs connected with it, and made a compliance with that demand, tlie condition of his assent to the friendly propositions of the Governor General. It would be unworthy of the dignity of the British Government to comply with any demand so brought forward."
”Besides this, the Maharaja, in making a reference to the British Government on this subject, instead of waiting for a reply, proceeded to execute his intention of subjugating the Chiefs, taking the country, which were the objects of the reference, thus apparently endeavoring to secure his object, whether the reply should be favorable or not.
”In making the reference the Maharaja shewed that he well knew that, without the consent of the British Government, he had no right to invade the country between the Satlej and the Jamna ; for if this had not been the case, there would not have been any necessity to make the reference. It was therefore, peculiarly inconsistent with the respect due to the British Government, and an improper return for the friendly confidence which that Government bad reposed in the Maharaja, to proceed to seize the object of his requisition, without so much as waiting for a reply.


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unlikely ; and, in the second place, were the treaty concluded, it was still more unlikely that Ranjit Singh would respect it, should an invasion take place. The Government argued that as the Maharaja systematically broke every engagement, how-ever solemn, formed with his own Chiefs and friends, he would not be likely to treat a foreign power with more honesty, should it be to his advantage to betray it.

Ranjit Singh unwilling to accept the declaration as final:

The check given by the letter here quoted, was quite unexpected by the Maharaja ; but he pretended to treat the declaration of the Governor General as not final, and to be altered by negotiation ; though the Envoy assured him that the decision was unalterable,


”This is quite contrary to the established practice amongst States, which requires that when one power makes a reference to another, it should await the result of that reference. This principle is so clear, and according to the rules of common respect so indispensable, that it is surprising that the Maharaja should not have attended to it. I have repeatedly endeavored to impress it on the Maharaja’s mind, but without success.
”Moreover, the Maharaja proceeded to execute h!s plans without giving any notice to me, and although he carried his arms close to the confines of the British territories, never made any candid communication to me of his designs, but sometimes even assigned a different intention from that which afterwards appeared.
”In addition to those circumstances, the Maharaja's behavior towards me, the representative of the British Government, was in other points neither consistent with the respect due to a great State, nor with the confidence due to a friendly State. The Maharaja will find in his own breast an explanation of this observation, and his recollection will point it to the facts which have caused it. It is unnecessary in this place to particularize them ; suffice it to say, that they constituted a violation of the rules established for the intercourse between States.
”Under all these circumstances, even if the Maharaja's demand had been in itself unexceptionable, it would have been impossible to comply with it.
”I am directed by the Right Honorable the Governor General to protest against the invasion of the country between the Satlej and Jamna in the name of the British Government ; and farther to declare, that the British Government cannot acknowledge any right in the Maharaja to any territories that he may have taken possession of, situated between the Satlej and the Jamma, since the first reference of this question to the British Government


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and pressed for an immediate reply to the demands of the Government.* But this was precisely what Ranjit Singh desired to avoid. Afraid to defy the English Government, and refuse compliance with its demands he yet could not find it in his heart to resign the new and valuable possessions, Ambala, Faridkot and Saniwal, which he had won so triumphantly, and under the Envoy’s very eyes.

The negotiation delayed:

So he delayed the negotiations by a, thousand artifices. Now, Prabdyal, the Kapurthalla Agent, was essential to the consultation and must be summoned; now it was Mith Singh Padhania, for whose arrival everything must wait ;disturbances broke out in Amritsar and he must leave for Lahore ; at Lahore, similar disturbances prevented him from thinking of other matters. He promised compliance, yet made no effort to carry out his promises ; and he complained bitterly of the change of policy of the British Government, whose Envoy had arrived with the


"Moreover, the Governor General feels himself authorized to expect, and entertains no doubt, that the Maharaja will restore all the places that he has taken possession of since that period to the former possessors, and will confine his army to the right bank of the Satlej, since he can have no object in maintaining it on the left bank, except to overawe and subjugate the Chiefs situated between that river and the Jamna, who are now declared to be under the protection of the British Government.
" In expressing these sentiments, I am directed to inform the Maharaja, that the British Government is desirous of maintaining the most amicable relations with his Government, and wishes that the friendship subsisting between the two States may daily improve and increase. The British Government desires no country for itself. It has enough, and its only ambition is to improve the territories of which it is possessed, and to promote the happiness of its subjects. It wishes to live in amity with all mankind. It cannot consent to the subjugation of Chiefs who are closely connected with it, and have claims on it for protection.
" At the same time, it entertains the most friendly designs towards the Maharaja ; with whom, notwithstanding the just causes of complaint, which the Maharaja's conduct has afforded, it is anxious to cultivate the relations of intimate friendship.”
* Mr. Metcalfe to Government, dated 14th, 15th, and 18th December.


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expressed object of increasing the friendship between the two States and concluding a treaty against France.

Complaints of the Maharaja not unreasonable:

Yet the only friendship shown was in thwarting his schemes and his policy, which was neither new nor strange, while the original object of the treaty was altogether forgotten.*

Ranjit Singh determines on war with English:

At this time the Maharaja had all but decided upon War with the English. The the movement of British troops to the Satlej seemed to him to prophesy a no distant day when his dominions would fall into the hands of strangers ; and he was inclined to prefer a struggle in which success seemed to him not impossible, to relinquishing his most cherished design, the subjugation of the whole country between the Satlej and the Jamna. He accordingly carried on his military preparations with the utmost activity.

Preparations for war:

Troops were called in from all quarters ; ammunition and military stores were collected ; the new fort of Govindgarh at Amritsar prepared for defence, and guns were mounted and provisions laid in for a siege. Diwan Mohkam Chand, the best of the Sikh Generals, and a bitter enemy of the English, who, with a large force, had been sent to Kangra to


* Mr. Metcalfe to the Government, dated 20th and 22nd December 1808 ; and 3rd and 4th of January 1809, and notes of Mr. Metcaife and Ranjit Singh dated 25th, 26th, 29th of December and 4th January.
It is impossible to deny that there was some truth in 'the complaint of Ranjit Singh, and the following extract from Colonel Ochterlony’s instructions is not without significance:—
”As the intelligence lately received of the favorable change in the aspect of affairs on the continent of Europe justifies a conviction that the project of France against the British possessions in India must, if not entirely abandoned, at least, be so far suspended, as to render any extraordinary and immediate preparations for defence unnecessary, the views and intentions of Government, under which your instructions of the 29tli ultimo were framed, are materially altered.” Government to Colonel Ochterlony, 30th January 1809.


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assist Raja Sansar Chand in expelling the Gurkhas, was hastily re-called, and marched to Philor Ghat, on the Satlej, opposite the town of Ludhiana, where he encamped.*

Change his minds and withdraws from Ambala:

But the Maharaja had no sooner formed his design than he abandoned it ; and although it was openly reported in Lahore that Mohkam Chand was about to cross the Satlej and join the Ambala garrison, the troops, with the exception of four companies of infantry, were withdrawn from Ambala on the 12th of January. They determined, however, to be unpleasantly remembered by Raja Sahib Singh, and on their return march, devastated Niamalpur and Jaiswah, about 20 miles from Pattiala.††

British troops march to the Satlej, January 1809:

The detachment of British troops, which the British troops Government had decided to station on the Satlej, as a check to any further extension of Ranjit Singh's power to the south and as a guarantee of efficient protection to the Gis-Satlej Chiefs, crossed the Jamna on the 16th January 1809. It was under the charge of Lieutenant Colonel D. Ochterlony, who had been specially selected by Government for the service, as possessing, in addition to the highest intelligence and energy, an accurate acquaintance with the politics of the north-western Frontier. § Colonel Ochterlony's instructions left a good deal to his discretion. He


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government, 12th Jannary 1809, and notes of Mr. Metcalfe and the Maharaja of the 4th, 6th, 7th and 8th January.
† News letter Lahore, 12th of January, and Resident of Dehli to Government of India, dated 18th January 1809.
†† Resident of Dehli to Government of India, 17th January 1809, and news writer at Pattiala to Resident of the same date.
§ Government to Colonel Ochterlony, dated 14th and 18th November 1808. Colonel Ochterlony to Resident Dehli, dated 16th and 17th January 1809.


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His instructions:

was to watch the movements of the Maharaja ; to obtain information regarding his power, resources, and the disposition of the Chiefs subordinate to him ; to be careful to bind the Government by no promises to the Maharaja ; and, on the other hand, to close with no offers of assistance or demands for protection from disaffected Chiefs in the Punjab proper ; though he was to allow them to understand that, at some future time, their services might be acceptable. The compulsory engagements, made by the Maharaja with the Pattiala and other Chiefs, were not to be considered binding, and it was to be his especial care to reconcile the Cis-Satlej Chiefs to British protection by showing them that it was essential to their very existence ; while the only advantage the Government could derive from its connection with them would be to have, in time of difficulty, a confederacy of grateful Chiefs, bound to it by ties of interest and affection. The protection was at first to be general but would be defined later. No subsidy would be asked from them ; but hereafter they would have to contribute towards the expense of their own defence. It was also intimated to Colonel Ochterlony, that the detachment under his command would be eventually employed in resuming the conquests made by Ranjit Singh during his last campaign.*

The Raja of Pattiala summoned to Lahore:

On the 14th of January 1809, Bhai Gurbaksh Singh, an agent of the Maharaja's, arrived at Pattiala, for the purpose of desiring Raja Sahib Singh or his minister Chen


* Government of India to Colonel Ochterlony, dated 29th December 1808, and Government of India to Resident Dehli, dated 26th December.


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Singh, with the Rajas of Nabha and Jhind, to wait upon his master at Amritsar.

His refusal:

Sahib Singh, who knew that the English were preparing to cross the Jamna, refused to send any one to Amritsar. He said that Jaswant Singh of Nabha could go or not, as he chose ; and expressed his satisfaction that Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind had already, in accordance with the advice of the Resident at Dehli, joined Colonel Ochterlony.*

Colonel Ochterlony arrives at Pattiala:

This officer arrived at Pattiala on the 1st February. He had been received, on His march, with evident satisfaction, by the Chiefs through whose territory be passed, and Rani Dya Kour of Ambala came in person to thank the representative of the British Government for the restoration of her territory.

The joy of Raja:

Raja Sahib Singh welcomed him with a joy almost childish ; so great was his relief at being freed from all apprehension of the Maharaja of Lahore. On the 5th of February, the detachment marched to Nabha, where Colonel Ochterlony was received by Raja Jaswant Singh with equal satisfaction.††

The Maler Kotla Chief reinstated:

He then proceeded to Maler Kotla and reinstated the Pathan Chief in his former authority ; for it will be remembered that Ranjit Singh had demanded a contribution of a lakh of rupees from this little State, compelling the Raja of Pattiala and other Chiefs, whose police stations and collectors


* Resident Delhi to Government. dated 15th, I9th, and 25th January. Colonel Ochterlony to Resident Dehli of 20th January.
† To give some insight into Sahib Singh's character, it may be stated, that although the interview with Colonel Ochterlony had been fixed for an early hour, it was not till past noon that it was granted ; many hours having been spent by the Chiefs in persuading the Raja to allow his son, a boy of 12 years of age, to be present at the interview.
†† Colonel Ochterlony to Government 4th February 1809.


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were all over the territory, to become securities for its payment.*

The negotiations at Lahore:

The negotiations at Lahore Were not advancing favorably. The Maharaja talked nations, of joining his army on the Satlej, which would have been equivalent to a declaration of war.

Ranjit Singh refuses to relinquish:

He would not consent to relinquish Faridkot and other territory to the south Of the Satlej ; the troops recalled from Ambala had not yet recrossed that river ; the army continued to collect at Philor, and all preparations for war were continued ; while Diwan Mohkam Chand stopped the Envoy's post and acted in so offensive a manner that Mr. Metcalfe considered he would be compelled to leave Amritsar and break off all further negotiations.

Envoy recommends war:

He expressed his conviction that Ranjit Singh was determined upon War, and recommended to the Commander-in-Chief, the invasion of the Punjab, as the best means of breaking the Maharaja's power and ensuring a satisfactory peace. t The general disaffection in the Punjab was what Mr. Metcalfe counted upon to secure success to the English. He believed that every principal Chief would gladly throw off the Maharaja's yoke, which was almost too heavy to bear. Ranjit Singh knew his danger and made extravagant promises to his followers. His mother-in-law, Mai Sada Kour, he petted and coaxed, for


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, 9th February 1809.
† Mr Metcalfe to Government of India, dated 13th, 18th, 21st, 26th, January. Resident Dehli to Government, 5th February.
Mr. Seton, the Resident at Dehli, recommended a more cautions policy, believing that Ranjit Singh would never rush into war unless rendered desperate.


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she was the head of the great Ramgharia confederacy, and he knew she had been intriguing with the English. He again cohabited with her daughter Mehtab Kour, his first wife, whom he had long discarded, and he acknowledged as his own, Sher Singh and Tara Singh, two children called her sons, but with whose existence neither he nor Mehtab Kour had anything to do and whom he had till now disowned*

The effect of the advance of the British army:

The Maharaja could not, however, fail to perceive that the advance of the British army under General St.

Leger and the detachment under Colonel Ochterlony, was productive of considerable effect on the Satlej Chiefs, who, fearing to compromise themselves with the English, withdrew one by one ; their contingents followed their example, and had it not been for a considerable reinforcement from Lahore, the army of Diwan Mohkam Chand would have disappeared. At length, Ranjit Singh awoke to the fact that the British Government was not to be turned from its resolution by his opposition ; and he determined, though somewhat late, to persuade the world that he was a consenting party.

The Sikh embassy to Colonel Ochterlony:

He, accordingly, sent to Coloncl Ochterlony, Sirdar Sada Singh and Nizamuddin Khan, to see if the new Englishman was more practicable than Mr. Metcalfe.

Which induces him to delay his march:

These men arrived at Colonel Ochterlony's camp on the 13th February. They were full of complaints of Mr. Mctcalfe's reserve, and the Maharaja's pacific and generous


* Government of India to Mr. Metcalfe 23rd Jannary 1809; and Mr. Metcalfe to Government of India of 29rh January and 3rd February.


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spirit ; and after having obtained all the information regarding the intentions of the Government they were able to extract, they persuaded the Colonel to halt for a few days until some reply should be received from the Maharaja.*

His action disapproved by Government:

The conduct of Colonel Ochterlony, in this instance, was disapproved by the Government. He was told that he would have acted more prudently in refusing to allow any representation of the Maharaja's Agents to delay the advance of the detachment ; that by listening to remonstrances founded on an impeachment of the candour and sincerity of the Envoy, he had exposed to risk the dignity of the British Government ; and that the more manifest the hostility of the Maharaja, the more the honor and interest of the Government demanded his unhesitating advance.

The policy of the Governor General had been greatly changed by circumstances. Seeing no longer any danger from France, he had thought it advisable to give up the idea of a military post at Ludhiana or at some other place on the Satlej, and establish it rather at Karnal, where its presence would give no offence to Ranjit Singh. †† But the representations of the Commander-in-Chief, of the Resident at Dehli and Colonel Ochterlony, caused Ludhiana to be finally selected, though only as a temporary measure. § The change of policy of the Government simply amounted to this. A French


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, 14th February 1809. General Ochterlony to Major General St. Ledger, 10th February 1809.
† Government to Colonel Ochterlony of 13th March 1809.
†† Government to Colonel Ochterlony of 30th January 1809.
§ Ludhiana has remained a Military Station ever since 1809.

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invasion being now a remote contingency, there was less objection to a treaty of amity with Ranjit Singh and less necessity to limit his power. Having steadily refused to conclude any treaty of amity until the Maharaja should accede to the demands made upon him, it was for the honor of Government to meet him with a sincere friendship, now that he showed willingness to comply with those demands. Two draft treaties were accordingly sent to Mr. Metcalfe. The restitution of the late conquests was to be complete ; the older conquests would not be interfered with : but Ranjit Singh was not to claim allegiance from the Cis-Satlej Chiefs, even for territory which he himself had given them.*

Ochterlony reached Ludhiana:

Colonel Ochterlony, who reached Ludhiana on the 20th of February, resigned his command on the arrival of the reprimand from Government ; but, while his resignation was accepted, his services and zeal were so warmly commended that he was induced to recal it and remained in political and military charge of Ludhiana.

The negotiations at Lahore were now drawing to a satisfactory termination. A circumstance which showed Ranjit Singh the power which discipline gave to the British army is said to have strengthened his desire to keep on good terms with the British Government.

The attack on Envoy’s escort at Amritsar:

This was an attack made on Mr. Metcalfe's escort at Amritsar, by the fanatical Akalis†† of the Golden Temple,


* Government of India to Mr. Metcalfe, dated 13th March 1809. Government of India to His Excellancy the Coumiauder-in-Chief of the same date,
† Colonel Ochterlony to Government of 15th April and 4th May. Government to Colonel Ochterlony of 29th April and 13th June.
†† akalis — immortals. The military priests of Sikhism.


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who were enraged with the Muhammadan soldiers belonging to the British camp, for celebrating the festival of the Muharam in the neighbourhood of the sacred city. These men, whose courage and military qualities were notorious, headed by one Phula Singh, afterwards well known in Punjab history, were completely routed by the few British Sepoys upon whom the undisciplined valour of the Akalis could make no impression.*

The repulse by the British troops:

The outrage had no political significance nor had the Maharaja any share in it. It was an outburst of Sikh fanaticism, from which the Maharaja himself had suffered more than once; and his power, which rested very much on opinion and on the respect paid by the Sikhs to the representative of the Gurus and the head of the Khalsa, was not sufficient to punish men whose only offence was too great a zeal in the service of religion.

Faridkot surrendered:

The surrender of Faridkot, held by Diwan Mohkam Chand, was the most difficult concession to obtain from the Maharaja, and every possible delay was made and every artifice employed to avoid it, so much so, that the British Envoy again thought that war was inevitable.†† But at length, on the 2nd of April, the place was evacuated by the Lahore troops and made over to its rightful owner. § The conclusion of the


* Mr. Metcalfe to Government, 26th February and 7th March.
† Only two months before this, Lahore and Amritsar had been in a state of revolt, because Moran, the mistress then in favour with the Maharaja, had persuaded one of her friends to turn Muhammadan for her love. The Hindus and Sikhs were furious, and demanded that she should be given up to them. Ranjit Singh refused ; but with a generosity as rare as it was just, he offered them instead her brother, whom they might put to death.
†† Mr. Melcalfe to Government, 22nd March 1809. Resident Delhi to Military Secretary to Commander-in-Chief, 1st April.
§ Colonel Ochterlony to Government of India, 6th April 1809.


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And the treaty concluded, April 1809

treaty now became easy, and the second draft forwarded from Calcutta being accepted by Ranjit Singh in its integrity, it was signed at Lahore, on the 25th of April, and received the confirmation of the Governor General in Council.*

Its results:

By this treaty Maharaja Ranjit Singh resigned, for ever, all supremacy over the Cis-Satlej Chiefs, and all claims to the Cis-Satlej territory which came under the protection of the British Government. Nor did the Maharaja, at any future period, seek to evade its provisions which destroyed his most cherished ambition and to which he had agreed with so much reluctance. Had it not been for the tact, patience


* TREATY BETWEEN THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE RAJAH OF LAHORE.
Whereas certain differences which had arisen between the British Government and the Rajah of Lahore have been happily and amicabiy adjusted, and both parties being anxious to maintain the relations of perfect amity and concord, the following Articles of treaty, which shall be binding on the heirs and successors of the two parties, have been concluded by Rajah Ranjit Sing, on his own part, and by the agency of Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, Esquire, on the part of the British Government.
ARTICLE 1. Perpetual friendship shall subsist between the British Government and the State of Lahore. The latter shall be considered, with respect to the former, to be on the footing of the most favored powers; and the British Government will have no concern with the territories and subjects of the Rajah to the north-ward of the River Satlej.
ARTICLE 2. — The Rajah will never maintain in the territory occupied by him and his dependants on the left bank of the River Satlej, more troops than are necessary for the internal duties of that territory, nor commit or suffer any encroachments on the possessions or rights of the Chiefs in its vicinity.
ARTICLE 3.— In the event of a violation of any of the preceding Articles, or of a departure from the rules of friendship on the part of either State, this Treaty shall be considered to be null and void.
ARTICLE 4.— This Treaty, consisting of four Articles, having been settled and concluded at Amritsar, on the 26th day of April 1809. Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe has delivered to the Rajah of Lahore a copy of the same, in English and Persian, under his seal and signature, and the said Rajah has delivered another copy of the same.


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and diplomatic ability of Mr. Metcalfe, the British Envoy at Lahore, the treaty would never have been concluded at all, or only as a concession extorted after a successful campaign.*

From 1709 the history of the Cis-Satlej states is altogether separate from that of Lahore:


From this time, till the year 1845, the history of the Cis-Satlej states is, for the most part, distinct from that of the kingdom of Lahore. The protected Chiefs were too well aware of the certain danger they had escaped to intrigue with the Maharaja against the English and were too contented to have any cause for intrigue ; while Ranjit Singh himself, shrewd enough to understand the strength of the British Government and wise enough to accept the inevitable, found abundant work for his restless ambition in the conquest of Kashmir, Peshawar, Multan and the Derajat.


under his seal and signature ; and Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe engages to procure, with in the space of two months, a copy of the same duly ratified by the Right Hon'ble the Governor General in Council, on the receipt of which by the Raja, the present Treaty shaill be deemed complete and binding on both paities, and the copy of it now delivered to the Raja shall be returned.
Seal and Signature of C. T. METCALFE. .....Signature and Seal of RAJAH RANJIT SINGH. (Signed.) MINTO.


Ratified by the Governor General in Council on the 30th May 1809.


Letters of Government, to Mr. Metcalfe of 3rd June 1809. to Colonel Ochterlony of the 11th and 20th June, and to Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the 3rd June.
* As a supplement to the Treaty, a Proclamation of protection against Lahore was issued to the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs, of which the following is a translation : —
"It is clearer than the sun, and better proved than the existence of yesterday, that the detachment of British Troops to this side of the Satlej was entirely in acquiescence with the application and earnest entreaty of the Chiefs, and originated solely through friendly considerations in the


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The satisfaction of Pattiala at the result:

No one of the Cis-Satlej Chiefs was more rejoiced at the new order of things, than the Raja of Pattiala. Possessing a character whose weakness bordered on imbecility, he felt that he was unable to resist Ranjit Singh ; and, indeed, it was with the utmost difficulty that he could hold his own against Rani Aus Kour, his ambitious and clever wife, who, not content with the estate granted her, demanded also a share in the administration of the State.

The entrage on captain white: It was not long before the weakness of the Raja was shown in a desperate outrage committed in his territories on Captain White, employed in surveying the boundary line.


" British to preserve the Chiefs in their possessions and inependence. A treaty having been concluded on the 5th April 1809, between Mr. Metcalfe on the part of British Government, and Maharaja Ranjit Singh, agreeably to the orders of the Right Honorable the Governor General in Council, I have the pleasure of publishing, for the satisfaction of the Chiefs of the country of Malwa and Sirhind, the pleasure and resolutions of Government contained in the seven following Articles : —
ARTICLE 1— The country of the Chiefs of Malwa and Sirhind having entered under the protection of the British Government, in future it shall he secured from the authority and control of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, conformably to the terms of the treaty.
ARTICLE 2.— The country of the Chiefs thus taken under protection shall be exempted from all pecuniary tribute to the British Government.
ARTICLE 3.— The Chiefs shall remain in the exercise of the same rights and authority within their own possessions, which they enjoyed before they were taken under the British protection.
ARTICLE 4. — Whenever a British Force, for purposes connected with the general welfare, shall be judged necessary to march through the country of the said Chiefs, every Chief shall, within his own possessions, assist and furnish the British Force, to the full of his power, with supplies of grain and other necessaries which may be demanded.
ARTICLE 5.— Should an enemy approach from any quarter for the purpose of conquering this country ; friendship and mutual interests require that the Chiefs join the British Army with their forces, and, exerting themselves in expelling the enemy, act under discipline and obedience.
ARTICLE 6.— Any European articles brought by merchants from the eastern districts for the use of the army, shall be allowed to pass by the thanadars and Sirdars of the several districts belonging to the Chiefs, without molestation or the demand of duty.

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who, it will be remembered, was compelled, two years before, to suspend operations owing to the disturbed state of the Pattiala territory. This gentleman, who had with him about 80 native troopers as an escort, was attacked at the village of Chowki, by a large body of horse and foot under the command of the Akali Fhula Singh, the same man that had attached Mr. Metcalfe's escort at Amritsar. The number of the enemy was soon increased by contributions from the neighbouring villages, to upwards of a thousand men, and, after a retreat in which all the tents and baggage were lost, the little British force only found safety by storming the hostile village of Patoki, which they held gallantly till the arrival of Ram Singh, nephew of Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha, and fresh reinforcements restored tranquility and forced the enemy to disperse. In the skirmish, six of Captain White's party were killed and nineteen wounded.*

Representations were made to the Resident at Dehli that the outrage had been caused by the conduct of some of Captain White's escort; but this was clearly proved to be false, and strenuous efforts, were made to punish those concerned in the attack. The Rajas of Nabha and Jhind, and Bhai Lal Singh promised their cordial assistance, as did the Raja of Pattiala, but his imbecility was such that nothing could be hoped from him. Phula Singh, who resided at Damdama, near Battinda,


" ARTICLE 7.— All horses purchased for the use of the Cavalry Regiments, whether in Sirhind or elsewhere, the bringers of which being furnished with sealed rahdarees from the Resident at Delhi or Officer Commanding at Sirhind, the several Chiefs shall allow such horses to pass without molestation, or the demand of duty."
* Captain White to Resident Dehli, 24th and 25th December 1809, and Lieutenant Marshall to Captain White of 25th December 1809


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owned allegiance to no Chief, and his sacred character as an Akali was his protection on this occasion, as it had been at Amritsar. Finding the British Government determined to punish him, he crossed the Satlej and returned to Amritsar, from which place he defied the power of Ranjit Singh to remove him.* Much pressure was put upon the Maharaja to compel the surrender of the criminal, but Phula Singh had great influence, and, although he was banished for a time, he was later taken into favour and became the leader of the Akali troops in the Maharaja's service.

The disorder in the Pattiala State:

The mismanagement of the Pattiala State became now so gross, Owing to the growing imbecility of the Raja and the rapacity of his advisers, that Colonel Ochterlony was compelled to interfere, although the proclamation of the 3rd of May 1809 had reserved to the Chiefs the right of perfect liberty in their internal affairs. But the other great Chiefs of the Phulkian house, the Rajas of Nabha and Jhind and their friend and connection Bhai Lal Singh, were most anxious that the Agent should use his influence to restore some order to the administration. The Raja was completely in the hands of unworthy favourites, whose ascendancy was used to aggrandize and enrich themselves. His wife, Rani Aus Kour, was too able and independent to be in favour with the Raja's


* Resident Delhi to Colonel Ochterlony of the 24th and 27th January, and 22nd and 23rd February, and 26th April 1810. Resident Delhi to Adjutant General of 2nd February 1810. Resident Dehli to Secretary to Government of 7th and 11th May.
† The history of this man is most romantic. He was killed, after having distinguished himself in many battles, at Teri on the Kabul river, where the Afghans were defeated chiefly through his courage and devotion. Curiously enough he offered his services to Mr. Moorcraft at Lahore in 1820.— Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, Vol. 1, p. 110, also vide Carmichael Smyth.


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advisers, who wished to retain all power themselves, and the Raja had been taught to look upon her with suspicion and dislike.

The British Agent visits Pattiala AD 1811:

On the 9th January 1811, at the invitation of Sahib Singh and the Rajas of Nabha and Jhind, Colonel Ochterlony visited Pattiala. The Raja appeared most desirous that some satisfactory arrangement should be made by which order might be restored. He wished, however, to place the administration in the hands of Rani Khem Kour, his step-mother, whose interests were distinct from his own and from those of the heir to the throne, and whose rapacity was as great as that of any of the Ministers. Although Colonel Ochterlony would have desired to see Rani Aus Kour at the head of affairs, a wish that was shared by the Rajas of Jhind and Nabha, he would not consent that any one should be appointed in opposition to the wish of the Raja ; at any rate, till such time as the instructions of the Governor General should be received.

Certain reforms agreed upon and effected:

It was agreed by the Rajas and Bhai Lal Singh that certain reforms should be made without delay ; that the extravagant grants of land should be resumed, and new ones made with reference to the just claims of the grantees ; and that jagirdars should be compelled to keep their contingents ready for service.

And others recommended:

Colonel Ochterlony recommended to Government that Raja Jaswant Singh and Bhag Singh should be authorized to place, in case of necessity, the Diwani, or general administration, in the hands of Rani Aus Kour, who was admittedly the only person competent to undertake it ;


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subject to the condition that all business should be conducted in the name of Raja Sahib Singh, and that the Rani should soften any refusal by referring to the Rajas of Nabha and Jhind, who should decide what was expedient to grant or reject. * The Supreme Government unwilling to interfere:

The Government of India, while entertaining a favourable opinion of the measures proposed by Colonel Ochterlony, was averse, on general principles of policy, to take any direct participation in their adoption. This was the first occasion, since the Cis-Satlej States had been taken under British protection, that the direct interference of Government had been requested, and the reason for determination was that it considered an adherence to the principle, which had been so often and so solemnly professed, of abstaining from all interference in the internal administration of the Cis-Satlej States, of more importance than the attainment of the benefits which a deviation from that principle might be expected to produce in an individual case. That even if the interference was with consent of the Chief and his friends most directly interested, yet still the credit of the public professions of the Government would be lessened ; that the interference of a powerful State in the affairs of a weaker was necessarily progressive, with relation not only to the latter but to others contiguous ; that such interference involved the guarantee of the arrangements which it was employed to introduce ; and placed the interposing power in connection with some local interests and in opposition to others; while, by the natural effects of


:* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, dated 9th March 1811.


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action and re-action, the Government which employed its influence for the adjustment of these foreign concerns would be ultimately compelled to become the arbiter and controller of the local administration in all its branches, and to identify the rights and interests of the protected State with its own. On these grounds the Government desired its Agent to limit his interference to advice and recommendation on points that might be submitted to his judgment*

The proclamation of 22nd August 1811:

The British Government was not however long in discovering that, with every to abstain from interference with the affairs of the Chiefs, these latter were likely, if left to themselves, to destroy each other as effectually as if their ruin had been left to Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Believing that their mutual aggressions would not be checked, the larger and more powerful Chiefs prepared to absorb the smaller; and it was found necessary to address to them a second proclamation, warning them of the penalties to which violence and disturbance would render them liable,


* Government of India to Colonel Ochterlony of 5th April 1811.
† Colonel Ochterlony to Government 18th and 90th of July. Mr. Metcalfe to Colonel Marshall, Commander 3rd Division Field Army, dated 2l8t May 1811. Government to Colonel Ochterlony dated 5th July, to Mr. Metcalfe, of the same date.
PROCLAMATION OF PROTECTION TO CIS-SATLBJ STATES AGAINST ONE ANOTHER, 22nd AUGUST 1811.
”For the information and assurance of the Protected Chiefs of the plains between the Satlej and Jamna.
”On the 3rd of May 1809, a proclamation comprised of seven Articles, was issued by the orders of the British Government, purporting that the country of the Sirdars of Sirhind and Malwa, having come under their protection. Rajah Ranjit Singh, agreeably to treaty, had no concern with the possessions of the above Sirdars ; that the British Government had no intention of claiming tribute or fine, and that they should continue in the full control and enjoyment of their respective possessions. The publication of the above Proclamation was intended to afford every confidence to the Sirdars, that they had no intention

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Rani Aus Kour placed at the head of Administration

After the departure of Colonel Ochterlony from Pattiala, affairs appeared to promise well. The Raja, actuated perhaps by caprice, accepted the advice that had been offered him placing Rani Aus Kour at the head of the administration, and it was not long before a marked improvement was apparent.* When she obtained power every department was in the utmost disorder and the Raja could not even raise 250 horse for service of tho British Government ; but, by the end of the year, all was changed. Villages which had not paid revenue for years were reduced to obedience and compelled to liquidate their long standing balances ; and the jagirdars were compelled to supply con-


of control, and that those having possession should remain in full and quite enjoyment there of.

" Whereas several reminders and other subject of the Chiefs of this country have preferred complaints to the officers of the British Government who, having a view to the tenor of the above Proclamation, have not attended, and will not in future pay attention to them ; for instance, on the 15th June l81l, Delawar Ali Khan of Samana complained to the Resident of Delhi against the officers of Maharaja Sahib Singh,for jewels and other property said to have been seized by them ; who, in reply observed, "that the village of Samana being in the territory of Raja Sahib Singh, this complaint should be made to him ; " and also on the 12th July 1811, Dussowada Singh and Gurmook Singh complained to Colonel Ochterlony, Agent to the Governor General, against Sirdar Churrat Singh, for their shares of property. &c., and in reply, it was written on the back of the petition, that, "since during the period of three years no claim was preferred against Churrat Singh by any of his brothers, nor even the name of any co-partner mentioned, and since it was advertised in the proclamation, delivered to the Sirdars, that every Chief should remain in the quiet and full possession of his domains, their petition can not be attended to." The insertion of these answers to complaints is Intended as examples, and also, that it may be impressed on the minds of every zemindar and other subjects, that- the attainment of justice is to be expected from their respective Chiefs only, that they may not, in the smallest degree swerve from the observance of subordination. It is therefore highly incumbent upon the Rajas and other Sirdars on this side of the River Satlej, that they explain this to their respective subjects and court their confidence;
* Raja Sahib Singh to Colonel Ochterlony of 14th. 23rd and 25th March. Colonel Ochterlony to Raja of 16th, 24th and 28th March

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tingents proportionate to the lands they held, so that, in December 1811, the Raja had 2,000 horse and 2,000 foot in arms, enforcing arrears due from refractory zamindars, while, in place of being burdened with debt, he had a lakh of rupees in his treasury.

But the evil advisers of the Raja were not disposed to allow the Rani to retain power without an effort to over-throw her. The two most prominent numbers of the opposition were Albel Singh and Gujar Singh. The first of these held a grant of all the Bangar country, adjoining that of the Bhattis, and he was bound to keep up a sufficient force to maintain order and to remit Rs. 7,000 a year to the treasury. When the


that it may be clear to them that complaints to the officers of the British Government will lie of no avail, and that they consider their respective Sirdars as the source of justire, and that of their free-will and accord they observe uniform obedience.

" And whereas according to the first Proclamation, it is not the intention of the British Government to interfere in the possessions of the Sirdars of this country, it is nevertheless, for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the community, particularly necessary to give general information, that several Sirdars have, since the last incursion of Raja Ranjit Singh, wrested the estates of others, and deprived them of their lawful possessions, and that in the restoration they have used delays until detachments from the British Army have enforced restitution, as in the case of the Ranee of Zeera, the Sikhs of Cholian, the talooks of Karowley and Chehloundy, and village of Cheeba; and the reason of such delays and evasions can only be attributed to the temporary enjoyment of the revenues ; and subjecting the owners to irremediable losers. It is therefore, by order of the British Government, hereby proclaimed, that if any of the Sirdars or others have forcibly taken possession of the estates of others, or otherwise injured the lawful owners. It in necessary that, before the occurrence of any complaint, the proprietor should lie satisfied, and by no means to defer the restoration of the property ; in which, however, should delays be made, and the interference of the British authority become requisite, the revenues of the estate, from the date of the ejection of the lawful proprietor, together with whatever other losses the inhabitants of that place may sustain from the march of troops, shall, without scruple, be demanded from the offending party ; And for disobedience of the present orders, a penalty, according to the circumstances of the case and of the offender, shall be levied, agreeably to the decision of the British Government."

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British Government assumed the adjoining district and order was re-established, the Rani demanded Re. 14,000 a year instead of Rs 7,000, on which Albel Singh sent in his resignation, hoping that she would be unable to collect the revenue. But when, contrary to his expectations, she realized large collections, he began to fear that his exertions would be claimed from him and plotted for the Rani's downfall.

The hostility of Gujar Singh:

Gujar Singh's reasons for hostility were equally of clear. The district of Pinjor, which he held at a rental of Rs. 500 was resumed, and given in farm at its proper value of Rs. 14,000 a year.

With these men was allied the whole army of corrupt officials who made their harvest out of the plunder of the State. As they had persuaded the Raja that his sister Sahib Kour was a danger to his independence, so now they persuaded him that his wife desired to be independent and was arranging to place him under restraint. He believed everything told him, and, in a fit of rage and fear, ordered her arrest and imprisonment, with that of her son, The heir-apparent, and her Diwan, Noudha, a man of the highest Capacity and honesty. But the Raja was as cowardly as he was imbecile, and no sooner had he imprisoned the Rani than he began to fear the consequences of his act. The administration too, fell forthwith into disorder ; the troops dispersed ; and the officials in every department disobeyed his orders. The was Consequently released and requested again to undertake the management of


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She appeals to the British agent for support:

She consented to this, for although her influence had been so injured that she could not hope to recover it without a guarantee that she should not a second time be exposed to disgrace and removal, and although she knew that the Raja's next caprice might endanger her very life, yet she was too ambitious to willingly resign power which she could by any means retain. She addressed Colonel Ochterlony, begging him to visit Pattiala and arrange matters ; and although he dissuaded her from again placing herself in so dangerous a position as head of the administration, he requested permission from Government to interfere and obtain a solemn pledge from the Raja that so long as no offence was proved against the Rani, she should not be molested.*

The Government, perceiving that the Pattiala would be ruined unless some support was afforded to the cause of order, permitted Colonel Ochterlony to make such arrangements as he considered indispensable, and, on the 6th of April 1812, he arrived at Pattiala, taking with him an escort sufficiently large to compel attention to his advice,t

The character of Raja Sahib Singh painted by a friend:

The insanity of the Raja increased every day ; "God knows" said Sirdar Albel Singh, who was one of his favorites, "whether the Raja is an avatar " (incarnation of a deity), or what he is ; but though at " times he is a fool and at others a madman, he yet


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government 19th January 1812. His letters to Raja Sahib Singh of the 27th, 28th, 29th, and 30th of December 1811, and 16th January 1812.
† Government to Colonel Ochterlony, without date, received 1st April 1812 ; Colonel Ochterlony to Governnient dated 1st and 27th April.


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"sometimes possesses uncommon quickness and what-ever he determines on himself he pursues with uncommon obstinacy; and he often acts himself when he is supposed to be governed by others, and when, in fact, we dare not oppose him, lest he should suppose us inimical, and rob us of our heads. The admitted loss or gain of lakhs, or the ruin or prosperity of his country are of no consideration in competition with his will or humour."

If to this friendly portrait, which is true enough, hypocrisy and deceit are added ; it will be tolerably complete. The Raja would break up a council in which, with apparent shrewdness, he was discussing affairs of State, and retire to his palace, where, with a drawn sword, at the head of a band of children, he would load and fire small guns with the utmost satisfaction ; and in no civilized country in the world would he have been permitted to retain even nominal author- ity.*

The difficulty of negotiations:

Negotiations, with a man of this disposition, were difficult, as the British Agent soon experienced. He had hoped to have found Rani Aus Kour reinstated in power, and that his own duty would have been simply to declare, under sanction of the British Government, that she should not be again liable to disgrace and dismissal. But the news of the approach of the Agent was the signal for all the evil advisers of the


*Two corps of boys were maintained by this madman, at a rupee each, a day, and dressed in regular uniform. Two parties of these he drew up opposite each other, as representatives of the British army and that of Ranjit Singh, and having caused their miniature guns to be loaded with pieces of lead and iron, commanded them to fire. This was actually done, and two boys, seriously wounded, were carried off the field of action. The Raja himself, always fearful of danger, looked on from an upper window whilst the children were to butcher each other. Letter of Colonel Ochterlony, 8th May 1812.

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The Raja’s suspicions and duplicity:

Raja to intrigue against a reconciliation with the Rani, which would, at all events, be their ruin ; while they had persuaded their imbecile master that Colonel Ochterlony had designs against his freedom, and, at his first interview, he showed his suspicions by a crowd of armed retainers and every sign of fear in his manner and conversation. A few days later, the Agent forwarded certain propositions which he urged the Raja to accept, by which the authority of the Rani would be restored and the ministers then in power displaced. The Raja replied by counter-propositions in which the superintendence of the Rani was assented to, but refusing to pledge its continuance in writing ; meaning that so soon as the Agent should have returned to Ludhiana, or at any other suitable opportunity, the same treatment which she had before experienced would be repeated.

The agent determines to compel assent to his propositions:

On the receipt of this reply, Colonel Ochtorlouy seut for an additional force of both cavalry and infantry to support his authority and induce the Raja to abandon the interested advice of his counselors who had several times proposed to attack the little British force. The approach of two Regiments from Ludhiana had the effect anticipated, and the Raja promised to bring the Rani back with all honour to Pattiala and invest her with the conduct of affairs. But the advice of his Diwan Gurdial, who had plundered the Treasury in the most shameless manner ever since the Rani's retirement, again induced the Raja to waver, and it was only Colonel Ochterlony's threat to go himself and bring the Rani to Pattiala that compelled the fulfillment of the promise.


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The intrigues of Gurdial against Rani:

The Rani was now nominally reinstated ; but the party of Gurdial had not yet lost their power. No orders were issued for the officials to attend the Rani's Durbars; the customary offerings were not presented ; and the policy of the opposition was to induce Colonel Ochterlony to return to Ludhiana and the Raja to leave the capital for one of his country seats, when, as one article of the agreement provided that everything should be done by mutual consultation, the whole business of the State would necessarily be brought to a stand-still. The disposition of the Raja strengthened the policy of the opposition. He was fully sensible of the advantage to be derived from the Rani's management ; but no sooner did he perceive that the British Government was anxious for her reinstatement than his native obstinacy was aroused, and he became jealous and tenacious of the authority which all his life he had been accustomed to leave in the hands of Mai Khem Kour, Sahib Kour, Chen Singh, or others of his favourites. Every delay and evasion was practised ; every slight cast upon the Rani; and the Chiefs greatest pleasure seemed to be in thwarting all her measures, his greatest desire the departure of the Britisih Agent whom he had so earnestly entreated a short time before to visit Pattiala and settle satisfactorily the existing disputes. It was several times proposed to place him under restraint, or, at least, to confine his authority to his own personal estates ; but however beneficial to the country, it was considered, not unreasonably that such a procedure might be viewed with suspicion by the Cis-Satlej Chiefs, although


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, dated 27th April 1812, and voluminous documeuts accompanying.

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they might perceive its justice and necessity.

A coalition with opposition the was attempted but soon failed:

A coalition with the opposition was attempted, as the Rani's party did not seem able to hold their ground alone ; and Diwan Gurdial and Albel Singh were associated with the Rani and Misr Noudha in the Government.* But this arrangement was found ineffective, and was marred by the deceit and jealousy of the Raja, whose insanity, from excessive intemperance, assumed each day a more violent form.

It is wearisome to relate the story of this made man's conduct throughout the negotiations ; but it is also necessary to show how complete a justification it afforded for the subsequent action of the British Government. Pretending to acquiesce in the instructions of Colonel Ochterlony, he yet sent positive orders to Diwan Gurdial to throw every possible obstacle in the way of any investigation into the State of finances, and discontinued the sittings of the law court and the transaction of routine business. The Agent now perceived that there was no hope of any radical reform without such an authoritative interference with internal details as he had not contemplated when he arrived at Pattiala, and the investment qf the Rani with A proposal to give absolute authority.

A proposal to give the Rani absolute authority:

He, accordingly recommended that the British Government should acknowledge her as virtual Regent ; while the Raja, without being actually deposed, would yet be unable to bring the Pattiala


:* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, dated 6th May 1812, with enclosures.


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State to bankruptcy and ruin. He urged, more-over, that recent events had opened his eyes to the real feeling of the Cis-Satlej Chiefs in the matter ; that they were thoroughly convinced that the establishment of the supreme authority of the Rani, by the British Government, was absolutely necessary, and that such action would be received with their general and unqualified approval.*

A plot formed to assassinate Colonel Ochterlony:

Some of the ruffians who surrounded the Raja, and by whose evil counsels he chose to be governed, now formed a plot against the life of Colonel Ochterlony, It was fortunately detected in time, and it is doubtful whether the Raja himself had not a knowledge of it. If the design was not confided to him, it was simply because his insanity might have revealed it; and not from any idea that he would have withheld his consent if a murder could have saved him from the hateful superintendence of his wife.

The Raja at length pretended to agree to a reduction in his expenditure and in the allowances granted to the hungry dependents who were ruining him ; and, under his own directions, a list was prepared, which, without treating any individual with harshness, or altogether depriving him of his usual maintenance, effected a saving of upwards of Rs. 50,000 a year. When this was ready for signature, his whole determination changed, and, under the influence of of some of the lowest and most contemptible of


:* Colonel Ochterlony to Government of India, dated 8th and 17th of May.


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his menial servants, he refused absolutely to sign; he declared that he saw the drift of the whole affair, which was to annihilate his authority; that the reduction in the allowances was but to deprive him of his friends, and the reduction in the troops was only to supply the vacancies with partisans of his wife.

But changes his mind and refuses to make any reforms:

He then gave orders for an additional guard to be placed on an upper room in the palace to which he retired for security, as he pretended to believe that his life and liberty were in danger.

An additional force summoned from Karnal:

Colonel Ochterlony now saw that further forbearanco might be misconstrued as weakness and timidity, and that there was no hope of the Raja himself becoming the ostensible agent in the reforms which had been determined upon. He, accordingly, sent to Colonel Reade for three Companies and two guns to join him, and to General Marshall, to send him, from Karnal, a Battalion with its guns and two eighteen pounders*

Rani in fear of her life:

Rani Aus Kour had, for some time, been in terror of her life. The apprehousious of the Raja for his safety, which induced him to fill the fort with wild Rohillas and fanatical Akalis, gave her just cause for alarm ; and the Raja refused her permission to leave the fort and retire to Sanour where she might be in safety in a fort of her own.

She escapes from the fort:

Her danger, however, was at an end when the British force arrived on the 3rd and 4th of June. She then left the fort before day-break, dis-


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government of 31st May 1812, with enclosures.


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guised as a servant in a palanquin, carried by only two bearers, and took refuge at the house of her brother, where she was immediately joined by 200 men, according to a preconcerted arrangement. And is proclaimed regent:

Colonel Ochterlony, at the same time, issued a proclamation, stating that the British Government had only interfered in the interest of the Pattiala State and on account of the folly and deceit of the Raja, and that henceforth the sole authority would be vested in Rani Aus Kour.

And assumes all authority:

The Raja could offer no opposition, and his advisers saw that they had at length succeeded in ruining both him and themselves. He first proceeded to the house of the Rani, who declined to receive him ; and then, by the advice of Raja Bhag Singh and Bhai Lal Singh, visited Colonel Ochterlony and made over to him the keys of the fort. The Rohilla troops were ordered to evacuate and British sepoys took possession of the outer gate, while the interior was held by the soldiers of Sodi Surjan Singh, one of the Rani's friends, until such time as a satisfactory arrangement could be effected between the Raja and his wife. The next day, the guru mukhi, or private seal, was delivered to the Rani, and directions were issued to all commandants of forts to make over their charge to whomsoever she might appoint. This was done at once at Sefabad and several small places near Pattiala ; and the troops were about to be ordered to their several cantonments when the duplicity of the Raja, and the intrigues of one of his wives. Rani Parbab Kour, again brought about a complication which might have had disastrous results, had the example set been followed by the military officers of the State.


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New complications:

One of the strongest forts in the Pattiala territory was Dhodan, into which the commandant positively refused, when summoned, to admit the troops of the Rani. The Raja solemnly declared that the commandant was acting in disobedience to his orders, and ostensibly reiterated commands to deliver the fort according to his agreement; but private and pre-emptory orders were also sent that he should on no account deliver the fort to Rani Aus Kour's people, nor even to the British troops should they appear before it.

The fort of Dhodhan given up:

A detachment from the British force was then despatched against the place, and it was only after a severe cannonade and after the walls had been much damaged, that the commandant Surrendered, declaring that his resistance had been only in accordance with the most positive instructions.

The British force leaves Pattiala June 1812

The British troops then left Pattiala, and Colonel Ochterlony followed on the 15th of June 1819. Previous to his departure he informed the Raja that the estate of Chamkoian had been bestowed on his son ; he enjoined on the Rani a careful administration of the trust conferred on her; and to all the Civil and Military officers he gave a precept, purporting that the Rani would protect and maintain them in their jagirs if they did not forfeit them by disobedience or misconduct.*

The estate of Chamkoian:


With regard to the estate of Chamkoian, given to Prince Karm Singh, there are no English records extant between the years 1809 and 1815, but from Persian documents


:* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, dated 7th and 19th of June 1812. Government of India to Colonel Ochierlony dated 4th July.


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in the office of the Agent at Ambala, it appears that, in August 1809, the Raja of Pattiala complained to General Ochterlony of the infamous character of Nand Singh the Chamkoian Chief and his attacks upon friends and feudatories of Pattiala, and stated that, in consequence, he had seized his fort. General Ochterlony ordered it to be restored and the property plundered from Nand Singh, by the Bhadour and Behr Chiefs, to be given back, referring to the proclamation of 1809, which guaranteed all the Chiefs their respective possessions. Pattiala objected, urging that Nand Singh was one of her own feudatories ; but General Ochterlony, making further enquiries and ascertaining that he was not so, but a dependent of the Nishanwala Chief, insisted on the restoration of the fort, which was given up in 1810. The next year, however, in consequence of fresh aggressions on the part of Nand Singh, his lands and fort were transferred to Pattiala, in deposit, and on 12th of June 1812, the Supreme Government not approving of the Chamkoian villages being mixed up with Pattiala, in consequence of Raja Sahib Singh having mismanaged them, the estate was granted in jagir to Prince Karm Singh.*


* In 1832, twenty years after the estate had been assigned in jagir, the Chamkoian Sikhs presented a petition to Mr. William Fraser, Resident at Delhi, complaining that Pattiala had usurped 12 other villages besides those given in jagir ; but that as Prince Karm Singh had become Maharaja, the estate should be released, or their possessions, including the 12 usurped villages, restored to them. No notice of their request was taken ; and they continued to petition till 1885, when Mr. T. Melcalfe, after investigating the claim, rejected it, observing, with reference to the villages which they asserted had been seized, that, having kept silent for so many years, any right which they might have possessed had lapsed ; and no order was necessary with reference to the jagir granted to Prince Karm Singh. The whole estate was subsequently included in the general grant in perpetuity to Pattiala under the Sanad granted to the Maharaja on the 22nd September 1847.

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The position of Rani a difficult one:

The position of Rani Aus Kour, now Regent, was by no means an enviable one, and from a generous desire to leave the Raja every possible liberty and indulgence, too great power for evil was also left to him. He had been allowed to retain the uncontrolled disposal of the proceeds of his personal estates, amounting to upwards of a lakh of rupees, and also of one quarter of the revenue of the whole country, and it was moreover directed that, on any emergent necessity, he should be permitted to dispose of a second quarter of the revenue. Every indulgence allowed him was turned to the worst use of which it was susceptible. He expressed a wish that he had the power to annihilate every acre of his territory, that nothing might remain to his heir ; and, as this was impossible, he endeavoured to injure him, as far as he could, by disposing of all the valuable personal property in jewels and State ornaments, which should have descended, as heir-looms, in the family. Rani Partab Kour was the ill-adviser who encouraged his prodigality and hatred to Rani Aus Kour ; and it was her friends and favorites who were enriched by the imbecile Chief.

The Raja thinks of fight:

He at last refused to take air, or leave his house, and it was no secret that he had the insane intention of flying from Pattiala and exciting disturbances in remote parts of his territory ; or of seeking assistance from the Gurkhas to regain his lost power.

The allowances of Raja reduced: Under these circumstances a further limitation of his power for evil became necessary and with the Sanction of the Governor General, the Treasury and Toshalchana


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(Private Royal Treasury) were put in charge of the Rani ; the monthly stipend of the Raja was reduced to Rs. 12,000, for his private expenses and amusements, and he was given to understand that any improper conduct would reduce his allowance still further and subject him to personal restraint.*

The Rani's power was now increased, but, as may be supposed, intrigues was carried on as uninterruptedly as ever.

Misr Noudha Chief Minister:

Her Chief adviser was a Brahman, named Misr Noudha, who was as unpopular as Diwan Nanun Mal had been; sharing the dislike felt by his class to the Jats, and hardly caring to veil his contempt for their rascality and fraud. Forgetting that the disorders of thirty years were not to be removed in a few months, he set to work at reform with an energy and unsparing vigour which all but brought upon him the usual fate of reformers.

The intrigues against his reputation:

His enemies first insinuated that he carried on an intrigue with the Rani, and brought him into some discredit until the absolute falseness of the charge was proved. Finding this assault unsuccessful, they determined upon his assassination and that of some nine of his more obnoxious subordinates. The Raja had no opposition to make, and it appears certain that the young and inexperienced Prince was made a party to the conspiracy, foolishly hoping that he would be at once placed on the throne ; while Sahib Singh and his confederates merely desired to make a tool of him for their own purposes.


* Colonel Ochterlony, to Government of 5th July 1812. Government to Colonel Ochterlony of 7th August 1812.

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The plot discovered:

The murder of the Misr would undoubtedly have taken place, had it not been for the scruples of Dal Singh, brother of Rani Partab Kour, though whose instrumentality the plot came to light.*

The death of Raja Sahib Singh, March 1813

But while Raja Sahib Singh was preparing death for others, he fell suddenly ill himself and died on the 26th March 1813. In such a den of intrigue and wickedness as Pattiala, poison was at once suspected to have been the cause of his death ; but there is no reason to believe that this was the case. The party of the Rani could not desire a death which would probably terminate her administration, while the party opposed to her, lost in the Raja the support and object of their intrigues. The probable cause of his death is found in his intemperate habits.

The cause of his death:

Formerly, taking much exercise, he had, since the reinstatement of the Rani, remained entirely secluded ; while he drank more deeply than ever. A few days previous to his death he had, in consequence of a dream, abandoned the use of wine or spirits altogether, in spite of the advice of his physicians who had recommended him rather to diminish gradually its quantity, and the want of the accustomed stimulant may have had a fatal effect on a frame exhausted by debauchery.

The political situation at Pattiala:

The aspect of affairs at Pattiala was now gloomy in the extreme. Karam Singh, the heir-apparent, had, in the late pro-


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government of 15th February and 4th and 26th of March 1813. Government of India to Colonel Ochterlouy dated 5th March, and 23rd April 1813.
† Colonel Ochterlouy to Government, dated 27th March and 2nd April. Government of India to Colonel Ochterlony dated 30th April.

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proceedings, appeared in far from a pleasant light ; and the interference of the British Government, however well and generously meant, could only be pronounced a failure. The unfortunate results of the interference of British Government:

The jealous and ignorant Sikh Chiefs of the Cis-Satlej States threw upon the Rani and the British Government the odium of the Raja's voluntary seclusion, and this was the very result which he desired ; the Rani's most judicious measures had been thwarted; the troops, though better and more regularly paid than ever, were discontented and mutinous ; while murder was actually plotted in the very Durbar and the forbearance of the British Government openly claimed as an immunity for the grossest crimes.


This interference withdrawn entirely:

The policy of the British Government, on the death of Raja Sahib Singh, underwent a necessary change. Although it appeared certain that Rani Aus Kour and Misr Noudha would lose power and the Pattiala State again become a prey to anarchy, yet there were no longer any reasons sufficient to justify any authoritative interference. Raja Sahib Singh had been an imbecile, and the exercise of the influence of the British Government had been earnestly solicited by the well wishers of the Pattiala State. The character of his successor, whatever it might be, gave no occasion for interference ; and the British Government accordingly withdrew from all concern in the internal affairs of Pattiala and canceled the guarantee it had given to support the Rani's authority.*


* Secretary to Government to Colonel Ochterlony 30th April 1813.


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The policy of the new Raja:

The young Raja was naturally influenced by his mother, and he showed a disposition to leave the administration in her hands and in that of Misr Noudha, in whom he professed to have entire confidence, though a short time before he had agreed to his death.

The intrigues of Rani Khem Kour:

The old Rani Khem Kour, a widow of Raja Amar Singh, was much disappointed with the affairs were taking, and busied herself with stirring up fresh disturbances, in the hope of obtaining some share of power by placing on the throne Ajit Singh, a younger son of the late Raja. This was the woman who was the originator of the plot against the life of Misr Noudha, and there can be little doubt but that it was she who employed the assassin to murder Colonel Ochterlony. Her intrigues were not without powerful support.

Aided by Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha:

Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha, one of the ablest Chiefs in the Protected States, was a man of the most unscrupulous character, who, for an acre of fresh territory would sacrifice truth and honor without a thought. He had married the niece of Rani Khem Kour, and, partly from this connection, party from a jealousy of the power of Pattiala, but chiefly from a desire to see that State divided and in the hands of a minor, who would nominally be under the guidance and guardianship of Rani Khem Kour, but, in reality, of him-self, aided her scheme as far as was in his power. But these intrigues seemed destined to be disappointed.

The installation of Raja Karam Singh

Colouel Ochterlony was present at the installation of the young Raja on the 30th June, and, on that occasion, at the Raja's special request and in open Durbar, the Agent conferred a valuable khillat upon Misr Noudha,


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The Gurkha war of 1814:

as a sign of the Raja's satisfaction and determination to retain him in office.*

On the 1st November 1814, the Government of India were Compelled to declare war against the Gurkhas, who had for years been encroaching on British territory at the foot of the hills, and whose Government had refused either redress or apology. The briefest notice is, in this place, required of this war, which only so far effected Pattiala as to gain for the Raja, in return for zealous co-operation with the British army, a large increase of territory.

Amar Singh Thapa at Arki:

The story of the Gurkha conquests in the Punjab hills will be found in the histories of the Kangra and Simla Chiefs. Driven from Kangra by the superior power of Ranjit Singh, Amar Singh Thapa, the Gurkha leader, had established himself at Arki, in the little State of Bhagal, the Rana of which he had driven into exile.

The Gurkha conquests in Punjab:

When war was declared, the Gurkha conquests between the Satlej and the Jamna included Nahan, otherwise known as Sirmur ; Hindoor ; Kahlur, also known as Bilaspur ; a large portion of Bassahir ; twelve smaller States (Thakori) and the Thakoris dependent on Sirmur, the revenue of which amounted to Rs. 3,81,500 per annum. The Gurkha troops occupying this territory were estimated at 5,250 men, of whom 1,600 were in Nahan, and 2,000 with Amar Singh at Arki.


*Colonel Ochterlony to Government dated 16th April, 23rd April, 20th June and 1st Jnly. Government of India to Colonel Ochterlony 15th May 1813 and 24th June.
Keonthal, Mylog, Bhaji, Bogal, Bhagat, Kothar, Konhiar, Dhami, Jubal, Balsan, Manpal and Kamarsen. Government to Colonel Ochterlony dated 30th September and 1st October 1814. Colonel Ochter1ony's report of 29th August.


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Their encroachments on British and Pattiala territory:


The encroachments of the Gurkhas had been indifferently directed against British territory, independent and protected States ; and the Raja of Patiala had more than once, before the declaration of war, been engaged in repelling these encroachments, under the direction of the Governor General's agent at Ludhiana,* and it was to Pattiala troops that the villages of Mundlai and Berowli, which had been unjustly seized, were given up.

Colonel Ochterlony opens the campaign:

In October 1814, Colonel Ochterlony marched into tho hills by Way of Rupar ; captured Nalagarh and Taragarh on the 5th and 8th of November, and, after a long and desperate defence, took possession of Rangarh, the strongest position of the enemy, on the 11th February 1815.

Completely defeats Amar Singh, April 1815:

On the 15th of April he completely defeated Amar Singh and compelled him to retire to the fort of Malawa, where, reduced to extremity, he at length surrendered, and was allowed to retire with his whole garrison, with their arms, giving up all the forts between the Satlej and the Jamna and completely evacuating the whole of that territory.

Pattiala services:

During this campaign, the infantry of the Pattiala Raja had been with Colonel Ochterlony's force, and a portion of his cavalry had been employed in guarding the plain country at the foot of the hills. In recognition


* Colonel Ochterlony to Government, 17th April, 23rd July, 16th September, 28th of October 1813.
† Voluminous correspondence of the years 1814, 1815, and 1816. The final treaty of Segowli of the 2nd December 1815, was delivered by Colonel Ochterlony to the Nipal Agent at Makwanpur, 4th March 1816. Aitchison's Treaties, vol. II, No. XLIX.


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of his services, the British Government conferred upon him, at the close of the war, 16 pargannahs, of which the detail is given in the annexed Sanads.*

For some time the Pattiala administration was carried on with more regularity and success than for many years previously. The Rani and the Misr remained in power, and no more grave disputes arose between neighbouring States, than an old standing quarrel with Manimajra regarding the distribution of the waters of the Gaggar nallah, an


* Sanad to Raja Karam Singh of Pattiala far Purgunnahs Mahili under the Seal and Signature of His Excellency the Governor General in Council.
”Whereas all the hill country has come into the possession of the British Government, and whereas Raja Karam Singh was forward to afford the co-operation of his troops during the late contest, therefore the present Sanad is granted, conferring on the said Raja Karam Singh and on his heirs for ever, the purgunnahs of Waheelee, Kuljoun, Buntheera, Koosalla, Chubrote, Kehmullee, Baddayheer, Saugur, Toorasutgowa, Jubub, and Pollakotee, together with the saeer duties of the same, and all the rights and appurtenances belonging to them, in exchange for a nuzurana of the sum of one lakh and fifty thousand rupees ; and the said sum having been paid into the Company's Treasury by kists, as agreed upon, nothing further shall ever be demanded on this account.
The British Government will always protect and support the said Raja and his heirs in the possession of this territory. The Raja,considering this Sanad a legal and valid instrument, will immediately take possession of the aforesaid lands, but he must not encroach on any lands beyond the acknowledged limits of the purgunnahs enumerated. In case of war, the Raja must, on the requisition of the British authorities, furnish armed men and Begarees to join the detachment of British Troops which may be stationed for the protection of the country. He will omit no exertion to do justice, and to promote the welfare and happiness of the ryots ; while they on their part, considering the said Raja as their true and rightful lord, must obey him accordingly, and pay their revenue punctually, and be always zealous to promote the cultivation of their lands, and to testify their loyalty and obedience.
Dated 20th October 1815.
Sanad to Raja Karam Singh of Pattiala for the Thakooree of Bughat and Juggutgurh, under the Seal and Signature of His Excellency the Governor General in Council,
Whereas all the hill country has come into the possession of the British Government, and whereas Raja Karam Singh was forward in affording the co-operation of his troops during the late contest. Whereas by order of the Right Honorable the Governor General the

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important question in a dry and sandy country ; * the reduction of the Fort of Kunori, belonging to the contumacious Chalians ; and the rightful ownership of certain Pargannahs in Hariana, which Mr. Fraser, the Assistant Resident at Dehli, claimed for the British Government††, and the detailed history of which dispute will be given hereafter.

But Raja Karam Singh again fell into the hands of bad advisers and determined to remove Misr Noudha and the Rani from power. The Misr himself believed


present Sanad is granted to said Raja conferring on him and on his heirs for ever.
1st. — The Purgnnnah of Bughat and the city of Taksal with the first fort at Sookchinpoor ; and the second fort at the end of the Bazar of Taksab, and the fort of Tharoogurh ; and Purgunnah Parleekhar with the fort of Ajeergurh, and Pergunnah Keeateen with the fort of Rajgurh, and Purgunnah Luchherany, and Purgunnah Berowlee, and together with these purgunnahs and the five forts specified, saeer collections amounting to one thousand eight hundred rupees, the whole forming a portion of the Thakooraee of Bughat, also
2nd, — The fort of Juggutgurh with the Purgunnah of Juggutgurh and its dependencies, forming a portion of Sirmore, together with all the rights and appurtenances belonging thereto, in exchange for the sum of Rupees, 1,30,000, and the said sum having been paid at the Company's treasury, no further demand will ever be made on the Raja on this account. The British Government will always protect and support the said Raja in possession of the said lands, and the Raja taking possession of the aforesaid lands shall not encroach on the possessions of another. In case of war, the troops stationed by the Raja for the protection of the said lands shall be sent to join the British Forces. The Raja will promote the welfare of his ryots on their part &c., (as in preceding Sanad).
Dated 20th October 1815.
The Pargunnahs mentioned in these two Sanads were taken from the Ranas of Keonthal and Bhagat for their hesitating and unfriendly conduct during the war.
Colonel Ochterlony to Government dated 28th July, 9th August, and 23rd September 1815. Government of India to Sir D. Ochterlony, 20th October 1815.
* Captain Birch to Resident Delhi, 31st May 1818.
† Captain Birch to Sir D. Ochterlony of 21st March and 4th April 1818.
†† Sir D. Ochterlony to Resident Dehli of 5th November 1816, 25th April, 15th June and 4th October 1817.
Resident Dehli to Captain Birch, 14th June 1818.


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that his life was in danger, and accused both the Raja and Bhai Lal Singh of having designs against him; but this was not likely, though the Misr's former experience made his apprehensions natural. But he was able to make no objection to the Raja taking, after two months, the whole power into his own hands, and the latter having extorted this promise, visited his mother, who, seeing that opposition was useless and desiring to make a virtue of necessity, told him that if he desired power there was no need to wait two months but that he might assume it at once. He, accordingly, retaining Misr Noudha as Chief Minister appointed several of his own friends to important offices, and assumed charge of the Treasury, Household, and Revenue Departments. The English authorities, by direction of the Governor General, informed the Raja that he would best promote his own interests by allowing his administration to remain as before, and by upholding the authority of his able Minister ; but no other interference was advisable, the more especially as the partial abdication of the Rani had been voluntary, and as the arrangement by which the Raja acquired power was, sooner or later, inevitable.*

Misr Noudha died soon after this, in October 1818, returning from a pilgrimage to Joala Mukhi. No State had ever been better served than Pattiala had been by him. He, in consort with Rani Aus Kour, saved the country from anarchy and


* Captain Birch to Resident Dehli, dated 10th June and 10th July 1818. Resident Dehli to Captain G. Birch, 3rd July, 12th July. Secretary to Government of India to Resident, 31st July 1818.


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restored it to prosperity ; while no charge was ever advanced against his honesty, even by his enemies. He seems to have been as clever as Diwan Nanun Mal, though perhaps more cautious and timid. Rani Aus Kour, after the death of her adviser, continued to lose influence and power, but no open dispute took place between her and her son until the beginning of 1821.

His successor:

The Raja had appointed as Chief Minister in the room of Misr Noudha, one Barkat Ali Khan, a native of Oude, who had long been in the service of Sir David Ochterlony. The Rani had retained in her charge the Tosliakhana with the Treasury, Jewel House, &c., and she had increased the jagir of Re. 50,000, which had been granted, in 1807, for the maintenance of her and her son, to nearly two lakh of rupees, which she held in sole possession.

The rupture between Raja and his mother

This determination to strengthen herself at his expense, naturally irritated the Raja, and a quarrel arising between Wazir Khan, a Pathan leader, in favour with the Rani, and Barkat Ali Khan the Minister, in which a few wounds were given and received by the partisans of either party, The Raja believed or professed to believe that his mother desired to raise a revolt against him and to resume charge of the administration. He begged the British Political officer at Karnal to visit him and make some satisfactory arrangement with the Rani, the result of which was that the Raja was declared to possess sole and absolute power and the Rani agreed to retire to her estate at Sunour and abstain from all interference in public affairs.*


:* Captain Birch to Sir D. Ochterlony, dated 12th February and 9th March 1821.


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She retires from Pattiala to Sunour:

There seemed a probability of peace, but two important points were still Unsettled; first, the enormous amount of territory claimed by the Rani as her jagir ; and, secondly, the custody of the Toshakhana which the Rani had carried away with her to Sunour.

The Jagir of the Rani:

With regard to the jagir, Sir D. Ochterlony held that, although the Rani had no right to the whole estate of Rs. 50,000, which had been granted not only for her own maintenance but also for that of the Prince, yet it would be generous and becoming in the Raja to interpret the grants in her favour ; but to the enormous additions which she had made to the estate while she possessed full power, during the late reign, she had absolutely no claim whatever, and the Raja would do well to resume them all.

The Toshalchana, which was supposed to contain in money, jewels and gold and silver plate , fifty lakhs of treasure, Captain Birch, the Assistant Agent, had allowed the Rani to take with her to Sunour, believing that the Raja was not averse to this arrangement, and that the treasure would be safe with the Rani, who would be responsible for its custody, and who promised to send a correct list of its contents to her son. But this she would not do : she sent indeed a memorandum which was so imperfect as to be worthless and refused a more detailed account.*


* The only memorandum she submitted was " Five lakhs of rupees with other article in chests and coffers.”
Captain Birch to Sir D. Ochterlony, 30th July and 8th, 14th and 16th August 1821.
Sir D. Ochterlony to Captain Birch, 29th May, 1st, 5th, 10th and 17th August 1821.


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The departure Sir D. Ochterlony from Dehli AD 1821:

Such was the unsatisfactory state of affairs when Sir D. Ochterlouy left Dehli, And Raja hesitated to take any decided action, uncertain whether any change of policy was signified by Sir David's departure. But the rejection by the Rani of all friendly overtures ; her determination to retain both land and treasure and the belief entertained by the Raja of the misappropriation of some of the most valuable property in his mother's possession, decided him, early in 1823, to take further and immediate action.

The complaints of Raja against his mother:

The whole matter was finally referred to Captain Ross, tho Deputy Superintendent of tho Cis-Satlej States. The Raja complained that his mother did not observe the seclusion which was becoming and consistent with the family honor ; that she had falsified the Sanads by which she held her estates ; that the most valuable effects of the Toshakhana were misappropriated ; that, by holding a separate Court, she impaired his legitimate authority ; and, lastly, that her officers interfered in the administration. He added that the strength and resources of the State were so much injured that he would probably be unable to furnish the required contingents and be condemned as having failed in his duty to the British Government.

His proposal to restrain the power of Rani:

The Raja proposed, as a remedy for these evils, that his mother should return to Pattiala and reside there, and that her income should be Rs. 50,000 per annum, the amount of the original jagir ; while the newly acquired estate should be resumed, also that


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the Toshakhana should be brought to Pattiala, and only allowed to remain in the Rani's custody if complete lists were given of its contents, and if it should be proved that, hitherto, no part of it had been misappropriated.

The proposals of the Raja were just and the provision promised to his mother liberal being more than twice as large as any Dowager Rani of Pattiala had ever before received after the accession of her son ; and there was no reason for the British Government to interfere to prevent the Raja taking whatever steps he chose to enforce his wishes ; except that the Rani possessed so large a territory and so many troops, having also at her disposal all the accumulated treasure of the family, that it appeared probable that should the Raja attempt to coerce her she would oppose him by force and appear at the head of a revolt against her son as, sixteen years before, she had headed a revolt against her husband.*

The interference of the British Government again asked and given:


The British Government thus again interfered in the internal affairs of Pattiala, at the urgent request of the Raja and to save his territory from the horrors of civil war. In October 1823, Captain Murray was sent with a detachment to assist the Raja in enforcing his legitimate wishes : namely, the possession of the State treasure and the resumption of such jagirs as the Rani had newly acquired; also to compel her to resign the fort of Sunour, only two miles from Pattiala, since her residence so near the capital was a fruitful source of intrigue and dispute.


* Captain Ross, Deputy Superintendent, 4th February 1823. Government of India to Mr. Elliott of 31 at July 1823.


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British troops at Pattiala:

When the British officer made his demands to Diwan Roop Chand, the Rani's agent, that official burst into tears and declared he could not carry them to his mistress, who would probably commit suicide.

Opposition of Rani to the demands of his son:

At length he consented and soon brought a reply from the Rani, offering Captain Murray a lakh of Rupees to allow the existing arrangement to continue and to forward to Calcutta a report which she would prepare, as she had not yet been heard in her defence. If this was refused, she declared that she would spend the remainder of her life in retirement by the Ganges, and accept neither jagir nor provision from her son. But a prompt acquiescence in the demands of the Government being insisted upon, she made over the fort to the Raja's troops and came herself into camp where she was treated with every respect. But, for several days, she refused all amicable settlement of the dispute. She refused to live at Amargarh, her old jagir, and declared that unless she was permitted to retain Sunour, she would go in person to Calcutta and appeal to the Governor General against the cruelty of her son.

She leaves Pattiala for Ambala:

She had, of course, no real ground for complaint ; for the Raja was most anxious to treat his mother with all consideration ; and had included in her jagir the best lands, the strongest fort, and richest town in his territory, and would have placed his treasure at her sole disposal ; but her servants, who thought more of their own advantage then of that of their mistress, encouraged her in a useless opposition, and on the 14th October, she left Ambala, refusing all terms unless Sunour was granted to her. The Raja was in


[Page-166]

She was persuaded to return:

despair : the honor of his family was ruined should his mother Wander about the world a supplicant Seeking for redress against her son who only demanded his rights, and was ready to concede to her every point not absolutely essential. Much as he disliked to yield, he gave up her the town and fort of Sunour, and she, knowing this victory was all she could expect, returned there, and, before the end of October, was put in possession of her estate of Rs. 50,000, and consented to make friends with her son.*.

The close of the political career of Rani Aus Kour AD 1823:


Here ended the political life of Rani Aus Kour. She was a woman of great ability, and her wise administration of the Pattiala State, during part of her husband's reign and during the minority of her son, was the admiration of the neighbouring States and was warmly praised by the British Government. Her ambition may easily be forgiven, and it was no more than natural that she should be unwilling to part with the power she had held so long and used so wisely.

A few incidents in Pattiala history

The claim of Pattiala to the Bilaspur state AD 1819:

A few incidents of rather earlier date in Pattiala history should be here recorded. In 1819, died Rani Dya Kour, widow of Sirdar Sher Singh of Kalsia and the owner of the Bilaspur estate. To this inheritance the Raja of Pattiala, advanced a claim, as his sister had married Sirdar Hari Singh, second son of Jodh Singh, the head of the Kalsia family. Hari Singh was dead, and the Pattiala,


:* Captain Murray to Mr. W. C. Elliott, dated 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th 14th, 15th, 16th, 18th, and 28th of October 1823. Mr. Elliott to Captain Murray dated 18th September and 29th September. General Reynell to Agent to Governor General Delhi, dated 80th September 1823. Government of India to Mr. Elliott 2l8t November 1823,


[Page-167]

claim was utterly preposterous and invalid according to Sikh law, and the estate was offered to Sobha Singh, the eldest son of Jodh Singh, on terms that he did not care to accept and in consequence it lapsed to the British Government.*

The ill feeling between Nabha and Pattiala:

In the same year, 1819, the ill-feeling between Nabha and Pattiala, which had for long existed, became so great as to threaten hostilities between the two States. One of its causes was a dispute between the zamindars of Kowlasheri, a village belonging to Pattiala, and those of Phulisheri, a Nabha village.

The Kowlasheri dispute:

Raja Jaswant Singh complained of the encroachments of the Pattiala zamindars, and the matter was referred to arbitration and decided in favour of Nabha. Raja Karam Singh then sent sepoys to Kowlasheri, under the pretense of protecting it against the rival village; but their presence had its natural effect in disturbances in which lives were lost on both sides.

The Bhadour and Kangar disputes:

There was similar case between the villages of Bhadour and Kangar, in which the Pattiala Raja was also in the wrong; and, lastly, a fierce dispute regarding the Hariana lands, which was Settled in a summary manner by the British Government taking possession of the subject of dispute. This last question will more conveniently be considered later, as the case was not finally decided till 1856.


* Ambala Settlement Report Southern Parganahs, pp. 15—28.
Captain Birch to Agent to Governor General, 27th, 28th, 29th April and 27th May 1820. Captain R. Ross to Resident Delhi, 14th January 3rd April and 20th August 1822.
† Captain Birch to Resident, 22nd November, 17th November 1820, and 27 th January 1821.


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The retentions of Prince Ajit Singh:

Raja Karam Singh had not freed himself from the tyranny of his mother when He was Subjected to the extravagant claims and pretensions of his half-brother Kour Ajit Singh. This was the youth whom, it may be remembered, the Raja's grand-mother, Rani Khem Kour, had intrigued to place on the throne ten years before. This lady died in June 1821 ; but many others, especially his chief adviser Gopal Singh, continued to encourage the pretensions of the young Prince and sow discord between him and his brother. In 1820, he left Pattiala with his mother, refusing to live on her jagir of 12 villages, and went to reside at Dehli where his extravagance soon loaded him with debt; and, in 1823, he usurped the title which belonged of right to the reigning representative of the family, and had engraved on his seal Maharaja Rajagan Maharaja Ajit Singh Mohindar, Bahadar.

This title of Raja had been granted to Ala Singh of Pattiala by Ahmed Shah Abdali, and the higher title of Maharaja by the Emperor Akbar II of Dehli, in 1810, on the recommendation of General Ochterlony.

The Prince had no right whatever to adopt either one title or the other, for no one of the Pattiala family, except the one on the throne, had ever received a title higher than that of Kour or Prince. Raja Karam Singh was most anxious to make friends with his brother and to remove all cause of complaint. He sent his Minister, Barkat Ali Khan, to Captain Murray, with a carte blanche to that officer to propose and conclude any arrangement which might satisfy the


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His ridiculous demands:

Prince, with a list of 21 towns and forts, any one of which he might choose for a residence. The absurd pretensions of Ajit Singh and his friends made negotiation difficult. He desired the territory to be divided and a great portion of the revenue alienated for his benefit, although he knew that the rule of primogeniture was in force in the Pattiala family. Then he demanded either the towns of Sefabad, Sunam, or the strong fort of Bhatinda to be given to him. The first of these, only three miles from Pattiala, was a favourite hunting place of the Raja ; the second was the retreat in the rainy season and contained the houses of the chief officers of the Court ; the third was the strongest fort in the Pattiala territory. Finding that these demands were not likely to be granted, he applied for a fort with an adjacent town, such as Dhode and Mansurpur, or Hariana and Burnala.

Which are resisted by the Raja:

The Raja replied that he could not consent to alienate so much of his territory as would create a dangerous precedent, and allow his children, in after years, to demand an equal independent provision. He offered, however, to give one of the four places mentioned or two of less importance. The Kour then declared his fixed determination of accepting no less than the districts which had lately been resumed from Rani Aus Kour and incorporated with Pattiala, worth about two lakhs of rupees. This declaration necessarily brought the negotiations to an end for the time.

He finally agrees to accept Rs. 50000 a year:

Ajit Singh now perceived that the British Government would not support his claims, and that unless he accepted


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his brother's terms, he might receive nothing. Yet such was his pride, that after he had agreed to accept an estate (jaidad ) of Rs. 30,000 and a personal allowance of Rs. 5,000, in addition to the jagir of Rs, 15,000, then held by him and his mother, he, at the last moment, refused the provision and returned with his mother to Dehli.

His marriage, AD 1829:

Here he lived till 1828, when, having grown wiser as he grew older, he become reconciled to his brother, accepted the provision made for him and went to live at Pattiala, where his marriage was celebrated with great splendor in June of the following year.*

Raja subscribes 20 lakhs to the Government loan:

Raja Karam Singh showed his loyalty and good-will to the British Government by by coming forward at a time of some financial difficulty and subscribing 20 lakhs of Rs. (£200,000 ) to the 5 per cent loan of 1827. This money was paid without any limitation as to the period of re-payment and in spite of the sneers of the neighbouring Chiefs at his thus parting with his family treasure.

Boundary dispute between Nabha and Pattiala

In the year 1828 a boundary dispute between Nabha and Pattiala was arranged, and Nahha. which deserves mention, not only from the length of time that it had continued and from the importance attached to it by the


* Captain Murray to Agent to Governor General 9th and 17th May 1823, 18th January and 23rd February 1824. Agent to Governor General to Captain Murray, 21st January, 21st February 1824. Captain Murray to Sir E. Colebrooke, 19th January 1628. Sir E. Colebrooke to Captain Murray 15th June 1829. Mr. Metcalfe to Sir D. Ochterlony dated 30th September 1820.


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Chiefs concerned, but also from its being an immediate cause of Maharaja Ranjit Singh's first invasion of the country to the south of the Satlej.

The origin of village of Doladhi AD 1807:

Two miles from the city of Nabha is the little village of Doladhi, which, in 1807, was Settled and ploughed by Bhai Tara Singh, an Ahlkar (official ) of the Pattiala State. Raja Jaswant Singh of Nabha was indignant at this encroachment on his town land, and remonstrated ; but, receiving no redress, he occupied the land by force and the Bhai was slain in the skirmish that ensued.

Bhai Tara Singh slain :

Raja Sahib Singh of Pattiala, furious at the loss of a favourite officer, marched to Nabha and defeated Jaswant Singh at Nirwana, who shut himself in his capital and sent his friend Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind to ask help from Lahore. Ranjit Singh, on his arrival, besieged Sahib Singh in the arbitration of Mansurpur, and destroyed the wells of Doladhi, which he made over to the Pattiala Chief, forbidding the wells to be repaired or a strip of waste land, which be pointed out, to be ever cultivated. For twenty one years the neutral land of Doladhi remained untilled, and if either Pattiala or Nabha attempted to cultivate it the greatest jealousy and ill-will was the immediate result.

The quarrel revived in 1857:

In 1827 the old quarrel was revived, Nabha accusing the Doladhi villagers of encroaching on the disputed land and Pattiala retorting. The Chiefs refused to appoint arbitrators, and Captain Murray, the Political Agent, was himself compelled to visit the spot and draw the boundary line.


[Page-172]

Captain Murray attempts to decide the case:

The point was a difficult one to decide. The decree of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, given in 1807, could not he held valid, for the proclamation of the British Government of 1809 only guaranteed the maintenance of the States at that time ; and in 1809 Nabha had become more powerful than Pattiala which had not been able to recover the land for which Bhai Tara Singh had fought and died. But Captain Murray was successful in fixing a boundary line which pleased neither party. The Raja of Nabha was only partially discontented ; but the Pattiala Chief was entirely so, and the case was referred for orders to to Dehli.*

The agents of the Kythal and Jhind Chiefs, together with the British officials, were then sent to fix a new boundary line between the wells of Doladhi and the city of Nabha ; to remove the pillars fixed by Captain Murray and to destroy all cultivation on the disputed land.

A new decision in favour of Pattiala:

The new decision was favorablo to Pattiala, and the Raja of Nabha became eager to preserve the boundary pillars which he had before been so anxious to destroy. But his remonstrances were unavailing ; the cultivation was destroyed by the cattle of Nabha and Doladhi ; the pillars, which the Nabha officials refused to remove, were thrown down and the new line marked out.


* Captain Murray to Sir E. Colebrooke 12th April, and Sir E. Colebrooke to Gaptaia Morray dated 11th May and 18th June 1828.
Sir E. Colebrooke to Captain Murray dated 25th July, 30th September, 2nd and 13th October. Captain Murray to Sir E. Colebrooke 30th July, 4th, 5th, and 21st October 1828.


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Nabha appeals against it:

The Raja of Nabha appealed against this decision, which Only injured him in as much as it was a triumph for Pattiala, and daily complaints were made of encroachments and quarrels, until the direct injunction of the Resident at Dehli compelled the boundary, fixed under sanction of the British Government, to be respected.*

And Captain Murray's decision confirmed by the the Supreme Government:

The Raja of Nabha was still dissatisfied, and directly charged Sir E. Colebrooke with having been unduly influenced by the Pattiala authorities ; and a commission was appointed to sit at Delhi and investigate the case. The conclusion of the Committee was thus expressed in a note by Mr. Trevelyan, Assistant to the Resident at Dehli : —

" I will conclude by remarking that the proceedings afford strong grounds for confirming Captain Murray's decision ; and the proceedings held before the Special Commissioners by evincing the motives which induced Sir E. Colebrooke to set it aside, afford still stronger. Should it please His Lordship in Council to confirm Captain Murray's decision on the Doladhi case, in consideration of the unlawful means that were taken to set it aside, a memorable example will be afforded to all Hindostan, which will have more effect in checking these illicit practices than the punishment of many delinquents."

The Governor General, agreeing with the opinion of the Commissioners, authorized the Resident at Dehli, if he thought fit, to set aside Sir E. Colebrooke's decision and to confirm that of Captain Murray ; which was done, and the boundary pillars


* Captain Murray to Sir E. Colebrooke 13th December 1828, and letters to Maharaja of Pattiala and Raja of Nabha.

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set up by the last named officer were restored. *

The grave results of this dispute:

To this Doladhi quarrel, trivial as was its origin and worthless as was the subject in dispute, may, more distinctly than to anything else, be traced the ill-feeling which has existed between Pattiala and Nabha for sixty years, which beyond all doubt had a considerable influence over the Nabha policy during the first Sikh war, and which has not, even to this day, entirely disappeared.

Supremacy over the the Maharajkian Sikhs:

The Maharajkian Sikhs had formed another Constant Subject of dispute between Sikhs, the Phulkian Chiefs, Pattiala, Nabha and Jhind, each claiming supremacy over them. These jagirdars were of Phulkian origin, and, in 1833, were estimated at between forty to fifty thousand souls, inhabiting twenty-two large villages, the total area of which was about forty thousand acres.

Their peculiar customs and character:

Their customs were peculiar; and each individual claimed to be absolutely independent, neither son nor brother remained in subjection after he was able to cultivate his share of the land. The soil they owned was unirrigated, yet it nevertheless yielded abundant harvests. But although no more than simple agriculturists, the Maharajkians had given up none of their warlike habits. Each man carried arms, which he never laid aside, even at the plough; for the whole community was of so turbulent a character, that no one was safe from the encroachment of his


*F. Hawkins, Esquire, officiating Resident to Secretary to Government of India, 12th January 1880, with note by Mr. C. Trevelj-an. Government of India to officiating Resident, dated 29th January. Officiating Resident to Colonel Murray, dated 6th March, and to Secretary Government 12th December 1830. Letter of Raja of Nabha to officiating Resident dated 13th November 1830.


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neighbour. Such being the case, it may seem strange that these men had been so long able to preserve their independence, were they not always ready to unite against any common enemy, and their strength, bravery, and warlike habits, caused them to be respected. They had scarcely any sort of Municipal Government and their only law was of equal division of inheritance.

The causes which led the interference of Phulkian Chiefs with the Maharajkian:

During Muhammadan days the Mahardjkians had paid tribute to Dehli, and, and when the empire fell, they naturally naturally referred to the neighbouring Chiefs to arbitrate in their disputes; some going to Nabha, some to Jhind, and others to Pattiala, and as these States had Police and Revenue posts on the boundary, they were always ready to send troops into the Maharajkian territory whenever their help was asked.

Who at last solicit the protection of the British Government:

This state of things led to the usual results. The Chiefs whose assistance was asked gave it with the sole object of strengthening their own personal influence and power : rival factions called in rival Chiefs, and the people gained very little benefit from the foreign interference; while jealousies and feuds continually increased. Weary, at last, of perpetual disorder, the Maharajkians solicited the help of the British Government. The case was a very difficult one to decide : Pattiala, Nabha and Jhind, each claimed superiority, but to this they had no title, nor could they show that, at any time, they had received from the Maharajkians any kind of acknowledgment of such superiority. But the people were so wild and law-less that some strong hand was necessary to control them. The idea of divided authority exercised by the


[Page-176]

three Phulkian houses was felt to be impracticable, and at length the Government decided to make over the villages, for a term of years, to Pattiala, as being the strongest and the most likely to keep its troublesome neighbours in order. Certain conditions were however appended to the grant, to which the Maharaja of Pattiala would not accede, and persisted in maintaining exclusive rights of unconditional jurisdiction ; rights which had been repeatedly denied by the British Government.

They are taken under direct British administration:

The result was that the Maharajkians, in August 1833, were brought under direct British superintendeuce, and the Phulkian Chiefs were warned not to interfere in the affairs of the community, which became peaceful and well behaved, as soon as the rival influences of Nabha and Pattiala ceased to agitate it.*

The immediate change in their character for the better:

This change in the character of the Maharajkians for the better was very marked, and was apparent immediately they had come under British control. No harsh rules or unintelligible procedure were prescribed for them, but simple village courts were formed in which the elders were to decide upon most disputed cases. The result was that, in a few years the bloodshed and affrays which were before so frequent, became almost unknown, and the confidence of the people in the intentions of


* Resident Delhi to Political Agent 6th May 1826, 16th February 1829, 23rd March 1831, 5th May and 19th September 1831, 21st July 1832. Political Agent to Resident 27th January 1829, 13th April, 4th May and 3rd September 1831 ; 29th January, 17th June 1832; 23rd July 1833. Agent to Governor General 12th December 1832, and 16th September 1833.
Secretary to Government 5th November 1832, and 22nd August 1833.


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Their confidence the Government:

the British Government was such that they begged that a Thanah or Police Station might be placed in their midst though they had always refuged to admit any such post belonging to the neighbouring Chiefs and would have resisted such an encroachment to the death.

And social reforms:

They gave up, almost entirely, the practice of female infanticide, which had been before universal. Their excuse for the prevalence of this crime was singular enough. When told that it was expressly forbidden in the precepts of their Guru, Govind Singh, they replied that it had been impossible for them, during the times of anarchy that had prevailed since they had adopted Sikhism, to find leisure to become acquainted with the doctrines of their Scripture; and that the first notice that they had ever received of infanticide being an offence against their religion was in an injunction issued some years before by the Rajas of Pattiala and Nabha. They, however, engaged to suppress the crime, and they were both sincere and successful : the punishment of forfeiture of his estate being ordained for any one who should commit it.*

The great Hariana boundary dispute:

In 1834, several cases occurred, requiring no special mention, between Pattiala and the British Government relative to boundary disputes ; trespass of Pattiala troops in the Hissar district, and encroachments of Pattiala zamindars on British territory, but these were all easily and satisfactorily arranged. One dispute, before alluded to, must be now related with some


* Agent to Governor General to Political Agent 28th April 1836. Political Agent to Agent to Governor General 31st August 1836.


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detail,* for it gave more trouble to the English Government than any other with Pattiala and remained a fruitful source of jealousy and suspicion for upwards of twenty years. This was the case regarding the Hariana and the Bhatti districts, conquered respectively from the Mahrattas and the Bhattis in 1803 and 1818.

The Bhatti country conquered from the Mahrattas:

After the victory of Dehli in 1803, the British Government succeeded to all the the possessions of Sindhia north of Agra, including the Gangetic Provinces and the Dehli territory west of the Jamna.

The nature of the country:

To the north lay the States of Pattiala, Kythal and Jhind, but between them and the inhabited portion of Dehli territory, was a strip of waste land, now known as Sirsa and Hissar districts. This country consists of vast plains covered with grass and a scrubby brushwood, while the only elevations which break the monotonous level are sand hills, which seem to speak of a time when the tract was a wilderness of drifting sand. But Bhattiana had once been more prosperous than it was in 1803.

The famine of 1783:

Just twenty years before, a terrible famine had desolated the land, the mountain streams, to whose water the people trusted for their scanty cultivation, had dried up ; no rain had fallen, and the vast herds of cattle, for which Bhattiana had been renowned for many hundred years, died. The villages were deserted, and, to this day, the country has not recovered the fatal famine of 1783.


*Agent to Governor General Delhi to Political Agent Ambala 11th January, 7th February, 3rd and 19th April, 30th June, 23rd August, 3rd September. Political Agent to Agent to Governor General 12th March, 3rd and 12th May 1834.


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The character of Bhattis:

The inhabitants of this country were a pastoral race, fierce and restless in their habits and impatient of any control. They lived for the most part in open villages, or wandered about with their flocks in search of pasture. A few towns, or rather fortified villages, were scattered through the waste, which the Bhatti tribes made their rendezvous on the approach of a common danger. These were Fatahabad, Sirsa, Rania and Ubohar. The Bhatti race was little more than a band of robbers, and it was their boldness, the rapidity of their movements and the savage character of their country, which had saved them freign being crushed by powerful neighbours whom they had continually irritated by their raids.

The campaigns of Raja Amar Singh had a temporary effect:

Raja Amar Singh of Pattiala had more than once, it is true, invaded the Bhatti country, stormed the strongholds of the robbers and exacted from them a reluctant submission. But his influence lasted for little longer than the time that his army was in the country ; and, after his death, the Bhattis completely recovered their independence ; his son, Sahib Singh, being a child, and the Pattiala State in too great confusion to waste much time and money on a region so unproductive as Bhattiana.

The Bhatti conquest of Thomas AD 1795:

Between 1795 and 1799, George Thomas extended his authority over all the Hissar, Hansi and Sirsa territory.* He fell before the Mahrattas in 1802, who, in their turn, were overthrown by the English in the following year.


* Vide,ante. 81. † Vide, ante p. 89.

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The English obtain the country AD 1803:

The new masters of the country were either ignorant of the amount and value of inheritance they had gained from the Mahrattas, or were too apathetic to attempt to secure it, and, from 1803 to 1818, no steps were taken to define the boundary of the Sikh States. The right of the British Government to the territory had not, however, been allowed to lapse. In the year 1810, an expedition was sent against Khan Buhadar Khan, a Bhatti Chief, whose raids into British territory had been frequent. He was overpowered and expelled the country, while the tract of Fatahabad, which he had held in possession, now included in the district of Hissar, was formally annexed to the British territory.

The second expedition of 1818:

But of the country to the west, from Sirsa to the Bahawalpur deserts and the Satlej, the Bhattis retained the undisturbed possession until 1818, when another of their leaders, Zabta Khan, roused by his forays the wrath of the British Government, as Khan Bahadar Khan had done. A force was sent against him, and the territory, now known as the district of Sirsa, came under the English rule.

The action of the Sikhs during these years:

During these fifteen years, while the English had paid no attention whatever to the state of the border, the Sikh Chiefe had not been idle. They had understood that the wild country, then almost depopulated, would, under good management, become valuable, and in anticipation of the time when the Government would understand its value, they steadily labored at manufacturing the strongest possible claims


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to as large a portion of it as they could annex without opposition.

The constant and systematic encroachments of Pattiala on the frontier:

From the accession of Raja Sahib Singh till their overthrow by the English, the Bhattis had remained the real masters of the country, with the exception of the short interval of the rule of George Thomas, who, however, made no attempt to interfere directly with the authority of the Bhatti Chiefs over their respective clans. They had successfully resisted all attempts of Pattiala to subdue them, and had done much to prevent the encroachments which, from 1803, Pattiala was constantly making ; advancing her villages further and further into the waste and bringing cultivators from her own settled territory to found new hamlets in Bhattiana.

The defeat of the Bhattis on advantage to Pattiala:

The overthrow of the Bhattis by the English removed the last barrier to Pattiala encroachments ; and that State immediately made the most of the opportunity. In 1821, passing over the belt of waste land, she planted an outpost of 20 soldiers in the village of Gudhah, within 14 miles of the British Police post at Sirsa, and waited to see if this audacity would be noticed. No remark was made, and, the next year, the post was further strengthened by a detachment of 40 horse ;and, in 1823, cultivators were brought from the interior of Pattiala and induced by large rewards to appropriate and cultivate the surrounding waste. Similarly, in 1827, the Maharaja of Pattiala took possession of Ubohar, sixty miles to the north-west of Gudhah, repaired the fortifications and began to found villages and occupy all the neighbouring country.


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The attention of English authorities aroused:

Mr. William Fraser, the District Officer, had, in l818, called the attention of Government to the unsettled state of the frontier, but no notice was taken of the report. Subsequently, the Honorable R. Gardner, and Mr. S. Brown, successively in charge of the district, had reported to the same effect ; but it was not till 1835, when Sir Charles Metcalfe was Lieutenant Governor of the North Western Provinces, and Mr. William Fraser, Resident at Delhi, both gentlemen most intimately acquainted with the case, that it was determined to bring the matter to a satisfactory settlement.

Mr. Bell appointed to report on the question, AD 1835

Mr. Ross Boll, the Acting Collector of Hissar, was selected for the duty, and, for his guidance, certain principles were laid down which were to be closely and invariably followed.

The principles which were to guide him:

These principles were that whatever belonged to the Pattiala at the time of the British conquest of Hariana in 1803, should be adjudged to that State ; and whatever belonged to the Government which the English had superseded, should be adjudged to the latter. With regard to the district of Fatahabad and the portions of the Bhatti country conquered in 1810, and to the remaining portion of that country conquered in 1818, the same principle was to hold good and the status of those years to be maintained.

The conclusion at which he arrived:

Mr. Bell, who was appointed to investigate the whole question, Submitted an able and voluminous report, of which the


* Secretary to Government Agra to T. T. Metcalfe, Agent to Governor General, 11th July 1835.


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following conclusions were accepted by the Government. The first tract of country was Harriana. When George Thomas was finally defeated by the Mahrattas in 1802, nineteen districts fell into their hand : Bheri, Rohtak, Mahem, Hansi, Hissar, Agroha, Burwala, Siwani, Buhal, Ahurwan, Fatahabad, Sirsa, Rania, Bhatner, Sufidun, Dhatrat, Jamalpur, Tohana, and Kassuhan. Of these, the first thirteen were placed immediately under Sindhia's officers, and, with the exception of Bhatner, were subsequently annexed to the British dominions. Sufidun and Dhatrat were transferred to Raja Bhag Singh of Jhind, and the last three districts, with the forts of Badsikri and Kanhouri, alone remained in dispute.

The district of Kassuhan:

Kassuhan consisted of 16 villages, originally belonging to Pattiala. It had been conquered by George Thomas in 1798, and again wrested from him by Louis Bourquin, the Lieutenant of General Perron, who made it over to the charge of Bhai Lal Singh of Kythal, by whom it was, on the cessation of hostilities, re-transferred to Pattiala, with whom it had remained ever since. This district, with its intervening villages was adjudged to the Raja of Pattiala.

The district of Gorakpur:

Another strip of land called the Ilaka Gorakpur, and consisting of 15 villages, had been in turn held by Thomas and Bourquin, and, on the defeat of Sindhia, had been granted to three Chiefs by the British Government, but, in 1809, had been annexed to British territory. The Raja's claim to this tract was based upon four letters addressed by General Perron and Bourquin to Captain Manuel Deremao, directing him to make


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over the district to the Raja, and Lord Lake's order guaranteeing all lands in the Raja's possession at the time of Sindhia's overthrow. There was, however, no evidence to show that the Raja had ever possession, and the district was adjudged to the British Government.


The forts of Badsikri and Kanhouri:

The circumstances of the fort of Badsikri were precisely similar to those of Kassuhan, and the claims of the Chief were acknowledged, as also in the case of the fort of Kanhouri, originally belonging to Kythal, wrested from that Chief by Thomas, but recovered previous to 1803.

The districts of Jamalpur and Tohana:

The last Harriana districts for consideration, were Jamalpur and Tohana. From 1750 to 1777, they had been overrun by Bhatti and Sikh maurauders, and, in the last named year, were seized by Raja Amar Singh of Pattiala. From 1798 to 1802 they were held by Thomas, and at the time of the Mahratta overthrow by General Perron. The Pattiala Chief certainly did not obtain possession till 1809, for the intervening land was owned by the Bhattis and the right of the British Government was clear. It may be mentioned, to show what peace and security had done for the Cis-Satlej States, that whereas, in 1803, there were in these districts only eleven inhabited estates, in 1836 there were no less than 122. These districts allotted to the English Government were the last affected by the conquests of 1803,

The district of Fatahabad:

The district affected by the conquest of 1809, was Fatahabad, consisting of 46 villages, 25 in possession of Patti-


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ala, and 21 in possession of Kythal. Raja Amar Singh conquered Fatahabad, Rania, and Sirsa, holding them himself, with the exception of a few villages made over to Nabha and Kythal. In 1783, the country was laid waste by famine, and the next year the Bhattis regained possession and held it till 1811, two years after the annexation of Fatahabad to the British territory. The Sikh Chiefs, having ceased to hold the district in 1783, had no right, and Fatahabad was anew declared British territory.

The district of Sirsa:

Sirsa, in the same way, was in possession of the Bhattis till 1818, when their revolt took place, and the claim of the Sikh Chiefs was disallowed, except to four villages :

One of which, Panchiari, was gained by Nabha in 1812, and Singha, Udarthana and Jhanda, by Pattiala in 1814. Of the remaining 24 villages, 14 were, in 1836, in possession of Pattiala, 6 of Kythal, and 3 of Nabha.

The Pargannah of Rania was the last for consideration. It was of considerable extent, with 109 inhabited villages, of which 77 were in possession of Pattiala, and the remainder held by Kythal, Nabha, Jhumbah, Arnowli and Shahzadpur. The claims of these States were absolutely rejected. The district was conquered by the Sikhs under Raja Amar Singh. At his death, in 1780, the Bhattis recovered the greater portion of the territory, and, three years after, aided by the great famine, made themselves masters of the remainder, from which time, till 1821, three years after the annexation of the Bhatti


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country to British territory, the Sikhs had held no portion of Rania whatever.*

The conclusions of Mr. Bell generally admitted by Government:

The Government generally admitting these conclusions as correct and final, was yet anxious not to exert its power to obtain anything not justly its due ; declared itself willing to take a liberal view of any points that might be really doubtful and directed the Agent at Ambala to submit any such points for further orders.

The Home Government, which naturally knew less than the Indian Government of the character of the Sikh Chiefs, was still more anxious to guard what were curiously described as their rights. The Directors' despatch of the 11th February 1838, admitted the principles which had been laid down to regulate the decision of the case as just ; but asserted that it was a matter for compromise and not for arbitrary assertion of right. That if the Sikhs could really prove that General Perron had agreed to give up to them certain districts, to which, at that time, they asserted their right and which they were expecting to receive when the country came into possession of the English, then


* Mr. T. Metcalfe to Government North Western Provinces, dated 15th September 1836. Government North Western Provinces to Mr. Metcalfe, 29th October 1836.
Resident Delhi to Colonel Ochterlony of 9th May 1814, and 14th November 1816. Sir D. Ochterlony to Resident, 18th May 1814, 17th November 1816, 27th April, 15th June, and 13th September 1817.
Captain Birch to Sir D. Ochterlony, 11th August 1820, and 27th January 1821.
Absent to Governor General to Mr. Clerk, Political Agent, 30th March and 11th May 1836.
Mr. Clerk to Agent Governor General, 3rd May 1836.
Mr. Bell’s report with Agent to Governor General’s letter dated 15th September. This report, with annexures, fills several volumes.

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that Lord Lake's guarantee of their actual possessions would be too strictly construed by affirming that the accident of their not having actually received possession canceled all equitable claim on their part ; and, secondly, that any right founded upon the sort of possession which a roving tribe like the Bhattis could be considered to maintain over any country, was not such as would be creditable to English liberality to assert without qualifications, after allowing the other claimants, without official remonstrance, to expend money in bringing the country into cultivation.

The view of the case taken by Government:

It was, no doubt, for the Government itself to decide which of their just claims they would resign, but if an officer of Government had acted, without specific orders, in the sense of this despatch, he would have justly deserved censure. Any right which the Sikhs could possess through a promise of General Perron's was as valid, as if, previous to the battle of Waterloo, the Emperor Napoleon had promised to give Belgium to Italy. After the complete overthrow of the Emperor, the European powers would hardly have insisted on fulfilling his promise. The Mahrattas held Hissar and Sirsa in 1803, after the overthrow of Thomas, and had given no single acre of it to the Sikhs. It was easy enough to forge letters and papers proving such promise, but it was not pretended that the promise was ever carried with action. No one could say that Perron ever intended to fulfill it. But for the English, the enemies and the conquerors of the Mahrattas, to consider it a point of honor to carry out their promises, was an extravagance of sensitive-


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nem, of which, fortunately, very few traces are found in our foreign policy.

The argument which was used in favor of the Sikh Chiefs, whose audacity was their only title to consideration, might have been employed, more logically on behalf of the Bhattis ; yet any right of possession which a tribe like the Bhattis could assert was questioned. The Bhattis were, certainly, a pastoral rather than an agricultural race, but they possessed towns and villages, and the tradition of possession of the very same soil for hundreds of years. If the argument against their claim to possession, drawn from their roving habits, was correct, very few people would be able to maintain their right to the lands of their forefathers, unless strong enough to defy attack.

The out-cry made by the Maharaja of Pattiala was loud enough, but it was utterly unreasonable. This Chief had, throughout the whole inquiry, acted himself, and instigated the other Sikh Chiefs concerned to act in the most contumacious manner. He had refused to acknowledge the right of Mr. Ross Bell to make inquiries ; he had forbidden the cultivators of the disputed villages to give any information of the time at which they were settled ; he had thrown every obstacle in Mr. Ross' way, and had thwarted him to the best of his power. The reasons which induced Pattiala to act thus were clear, and were certainly not deserving of the consideration shown to him by the Home Government. The Maharaja was in possession of the whole of the disputed land and would only lose


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by the enquiry. For the last twenty years, ever since Mr. Fraser had first brought the question of the boundary to the notice of Government, Pattiala had, on various pleas and pretexts, opposed the settlement of the question, and, while the British Government was patiently considering her objections, she was making still further encroachments and only desired delay in order to strengthen her fraudulent claims. The Pattiala Chief finally refused to arbitrate at all, hoping thus to postpone the settlement of the case indefinitely ; but Mr. Ross Bell was ordered to decide according to the evidence accumulated, and the result was, as has before been detailed, that a vast tract of land, more than a hundred miles long and from ten to twenty miles broad, was transferred from the Maharaja of Pattiala to the British Government.


The reasons for reopening the case:

There was, then, no reason for re-opening the case, and many reasons for allowing Mr. Ross Bell's decision to remain final. It was hopeless to expect that officers of such knowledge and experience could be found to deal with the case a second time. Before the enquiry was ended, Mr. William Fraser had been murdered at Dehli; Sir Charles Metcalfe, in 1837, left India for ever ; and Mr. Ross Bell was sent as Political Officer to Sind, where he soon after died. To re-open the case, decided by officers so distinguished and so complete masters of the subject, was to ensure a less just and satisfactory decision. Moreover, if the Maharaja of Pattiala had suffered in any way by the result, he had himself alone to blame. He had done everything in his power to prevent the success of the enquiry, and he richly deserved to suffer for his litigious and dishonest conduct.


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Mr. Conolly appointed to reconsider the case:

The remonstrances of Pattiala had, however, their effect, and on 1st January, instructions were issued to Mr. Conolly effect some sort of compromise ; not in any way surrendering the principle which had been originally laid down, but pressing it against the Sikhs less rigorously. Accordingly, in May 1840, he submitted his report, which was more in favor of the Sikhs than the Report of Mr. Ross Bell had been adverse to them. He proposed to give up the most valuable portion of the Hissar district, and his conclusions were accepted by the North Western Provinces Government ; and from the Report of the Collector of Hissar the following tabular statement is taken, which shows the financial result of Mr. Conolly's decision, so far a& the Hissar district was concerned.*

Villages No. Cultivation in acres. Total area

in acres. !! Approximate value.

Villages to be restored 119 99,403 2,72,415 90,000
Villages to be retained 147 68,788 2,55,623 60,000
Total 266 1,68,191 5,28,088 1,50,000

After Mr. Bell's decision had given so large a tract of country to the British Government, Sirsa, Rania and Ubohar were separated from Hissar, and


* Mr. Conally’s Reports dated 5th December 1839, and 23rd May 1840. Secretary to Government of India to North Western Provinces Government 7th January 1840. Resolution of North Western Provinces Government dated August 1840. Collector of Hissar to Government North Western Provinces, 23rd September 1840.


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No definite proposals submitted for Sirsa:

formed into a new district under the name of Sirsa. On this frontier, Mr. Conolly also reported. He was inclined to give up forty or fifty villages, but the want of an accurate map prevented him from making definite proposals.

The Maharaja still discontented:

The Maharaja of Pattiala, although he had obtained so much when he had Right to nothing, still held out with characteristic obstinacy, and asserted his right to the whole of the tract. He drew upon himself a just rebuke from Government, and was directed either to accept the decision or reject it, in which case the whole tract would be, at once, resumed by Government.*

The Hissar boundary finally settled AD 1842

This language brought him to his senses, and he consented to take over the villages assigned to him on the Hissar frontier, and was paid their revenue, less 20 per cent for the cost of management, from the time that they had been in English possession. This final transfer was made in April 1842, since which time perfect tranquility has existed on the Hissar frontier.

The Bhattiana frontier still undecided:

The proposals of Mr. Conolly with regard to the Bhattiana frontier, though not precise as to the number or names of villages, for want of sufficient information, included the cession to Pattiala of the waste land adjoining her border villages.

Mr. Conolly’s opinion:

He assumed that the inhabitants of these villages must have made some use of the waste land


* Secretary to Government North Western Provinces dated 11th April and 7th August 1841 to.Political Agent Ambala.

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for grazing, and proposed to surrender all that was within the ordinary range of occupation from Sikh villages.

His principle accepted by the North Western Provinces Government:


The Government of North Western Provinces, while remarking on the indistinctness of the proposal, adopted and confirmed the principle, on Mr. Conolly's assurance that it was capable of being practically worked out ; and Captain William Brown was directed to survey the country, and Captain Robinson, the Superintendent of Hissar, to decide on the villages to be ceded.

The Sirsa country surveyed AD 1842:

The survey was completed in 1842, and Captain Robinson sent his results to Mr. Conolly, at Rai Bareilly, for approval, who replied that the proposed line of border was in exact accordance with the principles he had suggested in his report of the 6th August 1840.

The report of Superintendent of Hissar:

The report of Captain Robinson, mentioned 42 villages to be restored to Pattiala, and 102 to be retained. * But on this report no action was taken. The Maharaja was himself to blame for much of the delay. He refused to negotiate with Mr. Conolly, as he had before refused to negotiate with Mr. Bell ; and in April 1841, it was intimated to him that he must accept this compromise, or the Government would decline to give him anything at all. He obstructed the officers engaged in the survey of the tract, and in 1844, Colonel Richmond, writing to the North Western Provinces Government,†† states


* Report dated 23rd March 1843.
† Do. para 91. †† No. 162, dated 9th September 1844.


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that the Maharaja still continued to brood over what he considered a deprivation of territory. Lastly, Colonel H. Lawrence, in 1846, informed the Governor General* that the Maharaja had again revived the boundary dispute “in a very disrespectful critique on the orders of Government, and especially on the amended judgment given by Mr. Conolly ; “ and finally recommended that he should be rebuked for his litigious spirit and given a month to finally make up his mind.

Reasons for delay in the settlement of the question:

The Sikh war then broke out, and prevented the disposal of the case, which was transferred from Agra to Lahore ; then the second Sikh war and the annexation of the Punjab, and it was not till 1850-51, that Mr. Edmonstone, Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, attempted to settle the dispute ; but he could not find final report of leisure to dispose of it, and Mr. G. Barnes, his successor, finally reported on it in 1855.

The final report of Mr. G. Barnes:

His proposals were unfavorable to the Maharaja. He considered that, although Pattiala was really entitled to nothing, yet that the principle asserted by Government having been approved, something must be given. No details were, however, sanctioned, and it was for the Government to give what they thought expedient and just. He accordingly proposed to give 20 villages, or, if this was considered insufficient, seven more, specially selected with reference to the configuration of the frontier,


* No. 205 dated 26th September 1846.
† GommiMioner Cis-Sutlej States to Punjab Government, No. 219, dated 22nd September 1665.


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and the necessity of preserving the customs line which had been established with great labor and expense. All the villages inconveniently near the customs line Mr. Barnes proposed to retain.

The opinion of the Punjab Government:

The Chief Commissioner of the Punjab did not agree with these proposals. He admitted that Colonel Richmond's letters and the Maharaja's replies* proved that the latter had not agreed to the decision made by Mr. Conolly, and that the Lieutenant Governor of the North Western Provinces, with the sanction of the Supreme Government, had intimated that if Pattiala did not accept the terms, the offer would be canceled.

But this threat had never been formally carried into effect : the discussion on the question had been several times renewed, and the Maharaja had been permitted to urge his claims again and again. Some delay moreover was due to the action of the British Government, and the revenue of the tract made over to Pattiala might fairly be paid her from 1843. As to the number of villages to be ceded, although the Government was not strictly bound by tihie arrangements of 1845, no orders having been issued on Captain Robinson's report, yet there was no doubt that by the spirit of Mr. Conolly's award, which had been approved by the Government, Pattiala should receive the 41 villages proposed by him, or their fair equivalent if inconvenience would arise from the customs line passing through foreign territory.††


* Letter from Maharaja Pattiala to Agent to Governor General, dated 29th February 1841, 26th April 1842, 27th April 1844. 8th April 1848. Colonel Richmond to Maharaja 17th February 1844, 15th April 1844.
† To Agent to Governor General Ambala 7th September 1841.
†† Chief Commissioner to Government of India, No. 9 dated 7th January 1856.


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The final orders in the case AD 1856:

The Supreme Government made no secret of their regret that the question, after its decision by Mr. Ross Bell, had been re-opened ; but this step having been taken, and the Government having accepted Mr. Conolly's award, it was necessary to abide by it. The Government accordingly approved of the villages suggested by the Commissioner Cis-Satlej States and others, making 41 in all, as originally proposed, being given to the Maharaja, with arrears of revenue from 1843 to 1st May 1856.*

The transfer of villages:

There was some difficulty in arranging the transfer of villages, and the North illages. Western Provinces Government objected to several being given up on account of the existing arrangements of the customs line ; but, eventually, this objection was withdrawn. Twenty-six villages were made over by the Superintendent of Bhattiana, and, for the balance of revenue still due, Re. 4,131, the Bhadour Sirdars transferred to the Maharaja the five village of Aspal, Mandehar, Suhoki, Baini and Bhadra, worth Re. 4,120 per annum ; being compensated by an assignment on the revenues of Government villages to a like amount.


* Supreme Government to Government Panjab, No. 1251, dated 28th February 1856.
† Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government Punjab, No. 159 dated 16th June, and Government Punjab to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, No. 547 dated 8th July 1856.
Government North Western Provinces to Government of India, No. 2218 dated 31 st March 1856. Government of India to Government North Western Provinces, No. 2274 dated 25th April. Officiating Commissioner Customs North Western Provinces, to Govt. North Western Provinces, No. 45 dated 10th March. Secretary to Government Punjab to Government North Western Provinces 11th Jan nary and I2th April. Government North Western Provinces to Government of India, No. 3102 dated 29th May. Government of India to Government Punjab, No. 8412 dated 20th

June.


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Importance of the case:

This long dispute, the origin of which was in 1803 and the conclusion in 1856, has deserved attention from the

great intricacy of the questions involved, the large interests at stake, and the obstinacy with which every inch of ground was contested by the Maharaja of Pattiala. If so much importunity and obstinacy were successful, they almost deserved success ; and if the British Government, in the final decision, obtained far less than was its clear right, it could, at leasts afford to be magnanimous.

The Kythal State and its Pattiala frontier AD 1838

It is now necessary to go back in the history of Pattiala, and allude to its connection with the Kythal State. Bhai Udey Singh, the last Chief, was bedridden for some years before his death and unable to keep his State in order. This indeed he was always too weak and debauched to do ; but, in 1838 and 1839, the disorder and affrays on the Kythal and Pattiala Frontier became so serious, that trade was interrupted, and the peace of the whole country disturbed.*

The disorder which prevailed:

In the time of Bhai Lal Singh the two States had been firm friends, but now they secretly encouraged acts of plunder and aggression on each other's villages prevailed. Bands of armed men, 300 or 400 in number, would openly assemble, cross the border, plunder and burn villages, and kill the inhabitants, till all the smaller villages in the neighbourhood were deserted. This state of things was only partially stopped by a strong remonstrance addressed


* Despatch of Court Directors dated 13th February 1838 to Government of India. Government of India to Agent to Governor General Dehli 28th July 1838.


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by the British authorities to the several Chiefs, insisting upon their putting an end to disorder, which not only injured their own territory, but that of the British Government.*

The death of Bhai Udey Singh, March 1843, and the lapse of Kythal territory:

Bhai Udey Singh of Kythal died on the 15th of March 1843, and the Chiefship, with territory to the amount of one lakh of rupees per annum, devolved upon Bhai Gulab Singh of Arnowli, while the remaining territory, including Kythal, and worth about 4 lakhs of rupees per annum, escheated to the British Government. To the Rajas of Pattiala, Nabha and Jhind, this lapse was odious. They were connected with the Bhais of Kythal, and they wished to retain the whole of their large possessions in the family ; and they also imagined that the precedent was one which might be, at some future day, employed against themselves.

Phulkian Chiefs prepared to resist the British occupation of Kythal:

The Pattiala Raja had other and more personal motives. Bhai Udey Singh had lent to Ajit Singh, the spendthrift brother of Raja Karam Singh, large sums of money, and he feared that the British Government might exact payment of the bonds from him. He therefore prepared to oppose, as far as was safe, the resumption of the estate ; and his agents, with those of the other Rajas, went to Kythal, where Mr. Greathed had arrived on a special mission to enforce immediate compliance with the demands of Government. The Kythal ministers would not give any definite answer to these demands, and the Envoy addressed the Phulkian


* Mr. S. S. Brown, Magistrate Western Division Delhi Frontier to Agent to Governor General 18th September 1839.
Agent to Governor General to Political Agent Ambala, dated 26th September 1839.


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Rajas, desiring them to withdraw their deputies from the Kythal Council, as otherwise they would incur the imputation of supporting the contumacy displayed. At first some disposition was shown to disregard this request ; but, on a serious warning being addressed to the Rajas, they withdrew their special agents and directed those ordinarily in attendance to confine their communications with Kythal to the forms of condolence and to admonitions against disobedience of the orders of Government.*

The result of intrigues:

But their intrigues had already produced sufficient mischief, and, on the 10th April, an insurrection broke out at Kythal, which soon became general and which the force with Mr. Greathed was not strong enough to repress. Reinforcements however quickly arrived, and the town and fort of Kythal were soon in possession of the British. The Maharaja of Pattiala now thought it time to show his loyalty, and, with 1,000 horse and two guns, surrounded the party of

Tog Singh, the leader of the insurgents, who had fled from Kythal and after a short skirmish, in which a few men were killed and wounded on either side, took him prisoner. Several other leaders of less note he also intercepted and captured. With Teg Singh were taken four elephants, two brass guns, one lakh and a half of rupees and a considerable quantity


* Mr. Clerk, Envoy to Court of Lahore to Government of India, 16th March 1843; to Mr. Greathed, I3th March; to Raja of Patiala, 17th, 27th, 30th, March. Mr. Greathed to Envoy to Lahore, 25th, 27th March and 8th April ; to Raja of Pattiala 24th March.


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of other property, all of which the Raja forwarded to Mr G. Clerk at Ambala.*

The insurrection was crushed as speedily as it had broken out, but the Rajas were no better pleased than before at seeing the Kythal estate pass out of the hands of the then representative of the family. The British Government had ruled that only the acquisitions of Bhai Gurbaksh Singh, the great grand-father of the chief recently deceased and of his second cousin Gulab Singh, the new claimant, should be inherited by the latter, and the amount of these acquisitions it was most difficult to determine. The Rajas, who alone could give accurate information, at first declared ignorance of the matter; and, at last, only replied in general terms, urging the claims of the nearest of kin or of the widow to the whole of the territory. Their objections were, however, set aside and the case finally settled at the close of 1844.

The beginning of the year 1845 did not find any of the great Sikh Chiefs south of the Satlei well disposed towards the English Government. The disastrous campaign in Afghanistan had produced upon them an effect even more powerful than on the


* Mr. Clerk to Government of India, 11th, 17th and 25th April. To Raja of Pattiala, 11th, 12th and 14th April 1843. Mr. Greathed to Mr. Clerk, 10th April. Raja of Pattiala to Mr. Clerk, 13th, 15th and 16th April 1843.
† Colonel Richmond, Agent to Governor General, to Government of India 14th October 1844. Maharaja of Pattiala to Agent Governor General, 29th September. Secretary to Government North Western Provinces to Major Broadfoot, Agent Governor General 28th December 1844. Court of Dilators’ Despatch, No. 83, dated 25th October

1843.


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Lahore Court, which, presided over by a series of adventurers and debauchees whose only thought was of personal advantage and degrading pleasures, allowed the country to drift helplessly into the war which was in one sense its ruin and in another its salvation. But the Cis-Satlej Chiefs had abundant leisure to observe the signs of the times. From Sir David Ochterlony’s first advent till the Afghan campaign they had been governed with a strong hand. They had understood that it was the British power alone which had saved them from absorption by Maharaja Ranjit Singh; and they had believed that this power was invincible since they had never seen it successfully opposed. But the result of the Kabul expedition dispelled this belief. Seeing that their resources, in money and supplies, were required for the English armies, they began to think that they were necessary to the existence of the British power, not that it was essential to their own. All fear of the Lahore Monarchy was now over: there was no longer a strong and sagacious ruler like Ranjit Singh, who made British protection sound pleasantly in the ears of neighbouring princes ; and this protection now seemed little more than a restraint, without which each Chief fancied that he himself might play the part which, under similar circumstances, the Raja of Lahore had played with so much brilliancy and success.

The jealousy between Pattiala, Jhind and Nabha:


There were, however, certain indications that, in any conflict with the Sikhs which might be approaching and which some knew to be inevitable, the Phulkian Chiefs would take different sides.


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The Pattiala and Jhind Rajas felt a bitter and inveterate hostility to the Raja of Nabha, whose imbecilities and their punishment have been detailed elsewhere. Raja Devindar Singh of Nabha, was the natural head of the Phulkian house, the representative of the elder branch of the family, and the hereditary ‘Chaudhri’ : a title which the Chiefs had held when they were still zamindars and which they were proud to retain.

The absurd claims of the Nabha Raja:

Of Pattiala, which possessed five times his income and territory, he had always been jealous, and his great desire was to obtain from the British Government the title of Maharaja and precedence of Pattiala, the Chief of which he would never permit to be named in his presence by a higher title than Raja. The Jhind Chief he treated with contempt, affecting to consider him not entitled to the rank of Raja at all, being only collaterally related to the former Chiefs. Both these States were thus inclined to oppose any cause which the Raja of Nabha favored, and one reason of the latter's hostility during the war was the hope that the Sikhs would allow him to assert the supremacy over Pattiala, which was the first desire of his heart.


The loyalty of Pattila in 1845.

When hostilities with the Lahore Government became certain, at the close of 1845, Maharaja Karam Singh declared his loyalty and devotion to the British Government and his readiness to furnish all necessary supplies for the army and a contingent for active service.

Death of Raja Karam Singh AD 1845 :


But he was at this time dangerously ill, and, anxiety completing what disease had begun, he died on the 23rd of December, the day


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after the battle of Firushahr, and was succeeded by his son Maharaja Narindar Singh, then 23 years of age.



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