The history of India : as told by its own historians. Volume II/IX. Jahan Kusha of Juwaini

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The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians

Sir H. M. Elliot Edited by John Dowson, 1867

Volume II: To the Year A.D. 1260

IX. Jahan Kusha of Juwaini

Introduction

ALAU-D DIN JUWAINI 1

[P. 384]:

[The Tarikh-i Jahan-Kusha, or Jahan-Kushai, " the History of the Conquest of the World," is the work of 'Alau-d din Malik, son of Bahau-d din Muhammad Juwaini, but the author is better known to Europeans by the name of 'Ata Malik Juwaini. He was a native of Juwain, in Khurasan, near Naishapur. The date of his birth is unknown, but he was twenty-seven years of age when he began to write his history.

Bahau-d din was one of the principal revenue officers of Persia under the Mongol governor Arghun ; and his son 'Alau-d din, disregarding his father's advice to adopt literature as his profession, entered into public employ in his father's office before he had completed his twentieth year. When Mangu Khan was elected emperor, Arghun went to Tartary in 650, to pay his respects to the new sovereign, and Bahau-d din with his son, our author, proceeded thither in his suite. Arghun was confirmed in his office, and he made Bahau-d din chief superintendant of the revenues of his province. Shortly after his return in 651 (1253 A.D.), Bahau-d din died at the age of sixty. When Hulaku Khan arrived in Persia, in 654 h., the viceroy Arghun was called to court ; and on his departure he left 'A1au-d din at court of the Emperor as one of his representatives. While thus situated our author followed in the suite of Hulaku during his

1 [This article has been drawn from M. Quatremfere's notice in the Mines de V Orient, and Baron D'Ohsson's account of the work in the Preface to his Hist. des Mongols.']

[p. 385]: campaign against the Ismai'lians. His brother, Shamsu-d din, became wazir of Hulaku in 662 (1263-4 a.d.), and 'Alau-d din was appointed governor of Baghdad.

'Alau-d din had made himself conspicuous by his zeal against the Ismai'lians, which incited three men of that sect to attempt his assassination. He escaped this danger, but only to endure great reverses and ignominy. Intrigues were formed against him, he was dismissed from office, fined heavily, tortured, and paraded naked all round Baghdad. He remained for some time afterwards in confinement at Hamadan, but his innocence being proved, the fine exacted from him was returned, and he was restored to his office, which he retained until his death in 681.

In character he was naturally mild and just, but he was so blinded by the power and success of his masters that he could see nothing but good in them and their doings. "Placed as he was," says M. D'Ohsson, " it is manifest that he could not write freely ; but he of his own accord made himself the panegyrist of those barbarians who had utterly ruined his country, and who continued to waste and oppress the dominions of the Muhammadans. He speaks with a profound veneration of Changiz Khan and his descendants, he lauds Mangu to the skies, and in his honour he exhausts his stock of the most exaggerated hyper- bole. More than this, he strives to prove in his preface that the ruin of so many Musulman countries by the Mughal armies was a necessary evil, from which arose two benefits — one spiritual, the other temporal. He does not blush to boast of the gentleness of the Mughals towards those who submitted to them, and he praises with better reason their tolerance of all religions."

His occupations he tells us left him little leisure for the acquisition of useful knowledge up to the age of twenty-seven, and he expresses his regret that he had not adopted the course of life advised by his father ; but years had matured his reason, and he was resolved to make up for lost time. He had several times travelled over Transoxiana and Turkistan, as well as the more western regions. He had been a witness of many events, and he

[p. 386]: had besides obtained information from well-informed and trustworthy persons, so in the year 650, during his stay at the court of Mangu, at the request of his friends he began to write his history, the chief object of which was to perpetuate the memory of the great actions of the Emperor Mangii. The style of the work is much admired by Orientals, " but a European may be allowed to pronounce it inflated, and to wish that the author had used more truth in his colouring, and more method in his narrative." The history stops at the year 655 (1257 A.D.), although the author lived up to the year 681 (1282 A.D.).

The MS. used by M. Quatremere and Baron D'Ohsson is an incomplete one belonging to the Imperial Library at Paris. " The Jahan Kushai," says Sir H. Elliot, "though not uncommon in Europe, is very rare in India. All my research has only procured for me one copy, and that belongs to Munshl 'Abdu-r Raz- zak, Sarrishtaddr of the Civil Court of Farnikhabad. It is very clean, and well written in Nasta'lik, but contains many errors. Its extent is 275 folios of nineteen lines in each page." There is no copy of the work in Sir H. Elliot's library.]

Extracts. I

Punishment of Criminals

It is a custom amongst the Mughals that when any one has committed a crime worthy of death, should he not be sentenced to that penalty, they send him to the wars, remarking that if he was destined to be slain, he may as well be slain in fight ; or they send him on a message or embassy to rebellious chiefs, from whom they think it most probable he will never be allowed to return ; or they send him to some hot place where a pestilent wind blows; and it was for such a reason they sent Balaktigin2 on an embassy to Egypt and Syria.

1[All these extracts were translated by Sir H. Elliot.]

2 [The same name probably as we have elsewhere found as " Bilkatigin.]

The Mughal Conquests. — The Kings of Hind.

[p. 387]:

In the space of twelve years the Mughals conquered every country, and nowhere were rebellion and turbulence left unrepressed. Having reached a place where they saw men with the limbs of beasts, and knew that there could be no habitation beyond it, they returned to their own country, bringing the kings of various countries with them, who presented their offering's of allegiance. Buku Khan honoured all of them according to their respective ranks, and sent them back to their own countries ; but he would not allow the king of Hind to come on account of his filth and ugliness.


Changiz Khan in Bokhara.

Next day, the Imams and elders of the city of Bokhara went to do homage to Changiz Khan, 1 and he came within in order to see the town and fort. He entered the Jami' Masjid and stood before the archways. His son, Tuli Khan, was on foot, and ascended the pulpit. Changiz Khan enquired, " Is this the palace of the Sultan ? They replied, " It is the house of God." He then dismounted, and ascended two or three steps of the pulpit, and exclaimed, " The country is denuded of forage, fill my horses' bellies." They opened the granaries which were in the city, and brought the corn. They brought forth the chests which contained the Kurans into the area of the mosque, and scattered the books about, converting the chests into horse- troughs. They circulated their flagons, and the courtesans of the city were sent for to dance and sing, and the Mughals raised their own voices in response. 2 The Imams, doctors, Saiyids,

1 The usual way of pronouncing his name in India is Changez Khan, but perhaps Chingiz is more correct, for D'Ohsson, who spells the name " Tchinguiz," says it is derived from "Chink," strong, and "guiz," the plural particle. — Histoire des Mongols, Tome I. p. 99. On his coins, moreover, the last syllable is not prolonged. —See Journ. R. A. S. Soc, Vol. IX. p. 385.

2 European travellers of this period are not complimentary to their musical talents.


[p.388]: scholars, and priests, were appointed to take charge of the quadrupeds, being singled out for that special duty. After one or two hours, Changiz Khan arose to return to his camp, and the others also departed, after the leaves of the Kuran had been kicked about in the midst of impurities. * * *

One of the inhabitants fled to Khurasan after these transactions. They enquired of him the state of Bokhara. He replied " The Mughals came, dug, burnt, slaughtered, plundered, and departed." A knot of learned men who heard him unanimously declared that it would be impossible to express any sentence more concisely in Parsi. The cream and essence of whatever is written in this volume might be represented in these few words.

Changiz Khan's Pursuit and Defeat of Sultan Jalalu-d din.

Changiz Khan detached a portion of his army, fully equipped, from T'a1ikan, against Sultan Jalalu-d din, and when he heard of his still further successes, he himself marched with such expedition that there was no difference between night and day, and no time for cooking food. On his reaching Ghazna, he ascertained that the Sultan had left it fifteen days previous, for the purpose of crossing the river Sindh, so he appointed Yelwaj with his contingent to the charge of Ghazna, 2 and himself hastened like a cloud-impelling wind in pursuit of him.

He came up with the Sultan on the bank of the Sind, and hemmed him completely in with his army, several curves extending one behind another like a bow, of which the river was the

Simon de Saint-Quentin says, " Cantibias vel potius ululatibus.'" The Dominican, Vincent de Beauyais, says, " Tartari, mode interrogative, clamoroso, loquuntur, gutture rabido et horribile. Cantantes mugiunt ut tauri, vel ululant ut lupi, Toces in-articulatas in cantando proferunt." — Vincentius, Speeulum SistoriaU, lib. xxxi. p. 54, and lib. xxix. c. 71, ap. D'Ohsson.

1 Compare D'Ohsson, Ristoire des Mongols, Tom. I. p. 230 ; Price, Mahomedan History, Vol. II. p. 401 ; Modern Univ. Hist., Vol. IV. p. 126; De la Croix, Hist. Oenghis Can, p. 212.

2 The Rauzatu-s safa says he was appointed Darogha. Yelwaj means an ambassador in Turki. Respecting him see D'Ohsson, Vol. II. p. 193.

[p. 389]: string. Changiz Khan ordered his troops to advance, and enjoined that every attempt should be made to take the Sultan alive. Chagtai and Ogtai1 also arrived to his support from Khwarizm.

When the Sultan saw that it was a time for exertion and action, he prepared for fight with the few men he had under him ; galloping from the right to the left wing, from the left to the centre, and making furious onslaughts. But the army of the Mughals made good their advance by degrees, narrowing the field of battle and the opportunity of escape, while the Sultan was fighting like an angry lion.

In every direction that he urged his steed
He raised dust commingled, with hlood.

Orders were again issued that they should take him prisoner, and the army refrained from wounding with spear and arrow, in their anxiety to carry the commands of Changiz Khan into effect. Jalalu-d din himself maintained his ground, and, mounting a fresh horse that was brought to him, made one more charge, and then retreated like the wind and like a flash of lightning upon water. 2

When Changiz Khan saw that the Sultan had dashed into the river, and that the Mughals were anxious to follow him, he prevented them, and placing his hand in his mouth through excess of astonishment, exclaimed to his sons : —

This is one whom you may indeed call a man !

A true fighting elephant to tooth and marrow ! 3

This he said, and looked in that direction

Where the Sultan went like a Rustam on his way.

All his followers who were not drowned in the river were put to the sword, 4 and the ladies of his household and his children were brought to Changiz Khan. He ordered with respect to all

1 " Ogtai," in the Mongol language, signifies ascent or exaltation.

2 The Mod. Univ. History says that Changez Khan lost twenty thousand men in this action.

3 Or, " trunk and branch."

4 D'Ohsson attributes these words to Juwaini— " Persons who were witnesses of this event have told me that so many Khawarizmians were slain, that the waters were red for the distance of a bow-shot," I cannot find the passage.

[p.390]: the males, even down to those who were sucklings, that the nipple of death should be placed in the mouth of their life, and that their bodies should be left to be devoui'ed by crows. 1

As all the property and wealth of the Sultan had been thrown that day into the river by his orders, Changiz Khan directed divers to search for it, and bring out what they could. This transaction, which was one of the wonders of the time, took place in Rajab, of the year 618 h., in accordance with the pro- verb, "Wonders occur in Rajab." Changiz Khan, after the battle marched to the banks of the Jihun (Indus), and sent Ogtai to Ghazna. On his arrival they proffered their sub- mission. He ordered all the inhabitants to be brought out into the plain and counted, and, after selecting artizans from among them, he ordered all the rest to be slain. He also destroyed the city, and Ogtai returned towards Hirat, after burying the slain.

The Mughals winter in Hindustan, and return.

Chaghtai was left on the borders of Kirman. He went in pursuit of the Sultan, and as he could not find him, he fixed his winter quarters in the plains of Hindustan. 2 The governor of the country in which he cantoned himself was Salar Ahmad, who bound the girdle of obedience round his waist, and provided all the supplies he could for the use of the army. On account of the pestilential air most of the army fell sick and lost their strength, and as they had many slaves with them, having added to their number while encamped there (insomuch that to every tent there were as many as ten or twenty, who were engaged in preparing rice and other things for the use of their masters), and as the climate of the country agreed well with their constitutions,

1 Muhammad of Nessa says that the Sultan was beseeched by his ladies to slay them, and preserve thorn from captivity, and that he drowned them. D'Ohsson observes that no other author mentions this.

2 The name of the place mentioned in the original cannot be identified. It bears most resemblance to " the hills of Lahur, which is a city," It will be observed from the corresponding passage from the Sauzatu-s safa, hereafter given in a note, that it is there called "Kalinjar on the Sind." That it was somewhere in the plains is evident. — [See note in the Appendix on Sultan Jalalu-d dfn.]

[p.. 391]: Changfz Khan 1 gave orders that in every tent every captive should prepare and clean five hundred mans of rice. All expedition was made, and within one week they ceased from that labour. He then issued orders that every prisoner in camp should be slain, and the next morning not a trace of captives or Hindus remained. He sent ambassadors to all the princes of that country, and they submitted. One was despatched to the Rana, and he was at first well received, but was afterwards crucified ; upon which an army was sent against the Rana, and he was taken. An army was also sent to besiege Aghrak, in the fort in which he had taken refuge.

When the army had recovered its health, thoughts of return were entertained, in order that by way of Hindustan they might reach the country of Tangut. 2 They advanced some marches, and when they found there was no road, they came back again, and went to Fershawar (Peshawar), and employed themselves in returning by the same road which they came. * * * The reason of their expediting their return was that intelligence was received that Khita and Tangut had exhibited signs of disaffection, in consequence of Changlz Khan's prolonged absence.


Capture of Bhera, and retreat from Multan.

When Chaghtai returned without finding the Sultan, Changiz Khan despatched Turtai 3 with two tumans of Mughals, to

1 It would appear, therefore, that Changiz Khan entered India, unless he issued these orders from some other spot ; but it is not easy to tell precisely what were his own proceedings immediately after the battle on the Indus.

2 Some say "Tibet." The Bahru-l Buldan also says " Tangat." "Several thousand horsemen crossed the Sind in pursuit of Jalalu-d din, and went thence to Multan and ravaged that country and Lohawar, but as they could not remain there on account of the unhealthiness of the climate, they returned to Changiz Khan by way of Ghazna. Changiz took up his quarters at Mata Kathor, but not being able to remain there on account of the badness of the air, he attempted to reach Tangut by way of Hindustan ; but after going two or three marches, and finding no road, he went by way of Bamian to Samarkand."

3 D'Ohsson says " Bela and Tourtai," and that the places plundered were Lahore, Multan, Peshawar, and Malikpur. Miles says, " Doormur, Bakshi, and Bala


[p.392]: pursue the Sultan beyond the Sind, which he passed over, and then reached the banks of the Bhut, 1 which is a country of Hindustan, then held by Kamru-d din Kirmani, one of the Sultan's nobles. Turtai conquered that country, and took the strong fort of Bhera, and after ravaging that neighbourhood, he went towards Multan, but as there were no stones there, he ordered that the population of Bhera should be turned out to make floats of wood, and load them with stones for the manjaniks. So they floated them down the river, and when they arrived at Multan, the manjaniks were set to work, and threw down many of the ramparts of the fort, which was nearly taken, when the excessive heat of the weather put a stop to their operations. The Mughals contented themselves with plundering and massacring all the country of Multan and Lohawar, and returned thence across the Sind to Ghaznin.


A Large Dragon.

Abu-l Fazl Baihaki has related in his Tarikh-i Nasiri, that one of the soldiers of Sultan Mahmud on the return from Somnat, killed a large dragon, and when they flayed it, the skin was found to be thirty yards long and four cubits broad. My object in mentioning this is, that Abu-1 Fazl says, let any who doubts this fact go to Ghaznin, and see the skin, which is spread out like a curtain, and is suspended at one of the gates. Now the writer of this history says he is entitled to the same credit, when he asserts a thing which may seem impossible.

Noyanu." He also says the Mughals " continued their pursuit to Mulkapoor and the sea-side." — Shajratu-l Atrak, p. 179.

1 There is a difficulty here. " Bhut" is here called a river and a country, and " Bhera " reads more like " Banda.' D'Ohsson (1. 309) reads " Diah,"for " Bhut," and " Bhera;" hut stones could not have been floated down the Biyah to Multan. I prefer the reading adopted in the text, not only for this reason, but because there never was a fort of Biah, and because Bhera was a place of importance on the Bhut, or Jailam, having direct communication with Multan, and inexhaustible supplies of stones from the salt range in its vicinity. The Raumtu-s safa gives no name to the fort.

[p. 393]:

Death of Muhammad Ghori.

In the year 602 h. (1205 A.D.), Muhammad Ghori determined on prosecuting a holy war in Hind, in order to repair the fortunes of his servants and armies ; for within the last few years Khurasan, on account of the disasters it had sustained, yielded neither men nor money. When he arrived in Hind, God gave him such a victory that his treasures were replenished, and his armies renewed. On his return, after crossing the Jailam, he was encamped on the banks of the Jihun (Indus), so that one-half of the royal enclosure, where the private apartments were, was in the water. In consequence of which no precaution had been taken to ensure their protection. About the time of the mid-day siesta, two or three Hindus came through the water, and falling like fire upon the royal tent, slew the Sultan, who was entirely unprepared for such a treacherous attack.


Sultan Jalalu-d din in Hindustan. 1

When the Sultan had survived the double danger of water and fire, namely, the whirlpools of the Sind and the flame of Changiz Khan's persecution, he was joined by six or seven of his followers, who had escaped from drowning, and whom the fiery blast of evil had not sent to the dust of corruption ; but, as no other course except retreat and concealment among the forests was left to him, he remained two or three days longer in his covert, 2 until he was joined by fifty more men. The spies whom he had sent out to watch the proceedings of [[Changiz Khan]], returned, and brought him intelligence that a body 2 of

1 In the highly flattering notice which M. Quatremare has taken of my first volume in the Journal des Savants, for September, 1850, and January, 18-51, he has made some comments upon the extract from the Jami'u-t tawarikh, which corresponds with the passage here translated from the Jahan Kushai. I do not concur in all the corrections of the learned reviewer, but thankfully avail myself of some of them. — [See note in the Appendix on Jala1u-d din.]

2 Miles says, "he struck into the Chorl, or desert of Churk." — Shajratu-l Atrak, p. 178.

3 The Tarikh-i Alfi says " nearly two hundred."


[p394]: Hindu rascals, 1 horse and foot, were lying only two parasangs distance from the Sultan, occupied in rioting and debauchery. The Sultan ordered his followers to arm themselves each with a club, and then making a night attack upon this party, he slew most of them, capturing their animals and arms.

He was then joined by other parties, mounted on horses and mules, 2 and soon after certain intelligence was brought to him that two or three thousand men of the armies of Hind were en- camped in the neighbourhood. The Sultan attacked them with a hundred and twenty men, and slew many of those Hindus with the Hindi sword, and set up his own troops with the plunder he obtained. 3

Arabic Verse.

Whoever requires anything from me, let him live by his sword,
Whoever requires anything from other men, let him solicit them.

When the news spread throughout Hindustan of the Sultan's fame and courage, five or six thousand mounted men assembled from the hills of Balala and Mankala, for the purpose of attacking him. On his gaining intelligence of this movement, he set upon them with five hundred cavalry which he had under him, and routed and slew the Hindu armies, 4 The effect of this success was that he was joined by several more adherents from all quarters, so that his force amounted to three thousand men.

When the world-conquering Changiz Khan, who was then in the neighbourhood of Ghazni, heard of these new levies, he

1 Price says " a banditti." It is probable that they were a gang of those dakoits who have only lately been extirpated from India.

2 The original has "long-tailed animals," or horned cattle. The Rauzaitu-s safa, the Tarikh-i Alfi, and other authorities, have " longeared animals," mules or donkeys, which is a more probable reading. In another passage D'Ohsson considers "long-tailed animals" to indicate a species of sheep. — Hist. Mong., Tom. III. p. 118. — [The Jami'u-t tawarikh says, " Shutur sawar wa gao-sawar — camel-riders and bullock-riders."]

3 Firishta adds " a large quantity of money."

4 D'Ohsson (I. 308), on the authority of Muhammad of Nessa, says that the prince of Judi had one thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, and that the Sultan, at the head of four thousand cavalry, put the Indians to flight, killed their chief with an arrow, and secured a considerable booty. He also says (III . 4) that many generals of 'Iraik, dissatisfied with his brother Ghiyasu-d din, joined his standards in India.

[p. 395]: despatched a Mughal array, under Turtai, to expel him, and as the Sultan was not able to oppose him, he went towards Dehli, when Turtai crossed the river. The Mughals, when they heard of his flight, returned and pillaged the country round Malikpur.

The Sultan, when he was two or three days distant from Dehli, deputed a messenger named 'Ainu-1 mulk to Sultan Shamsu-d din, saying — " The great have opportunities of showing mercy, since it is evident in our relations with each other, that I have come to claim your protection and favour, and the chances are rare of meeting with a person of my rank on whom to bestow a kind reception. If the road of friendship should be made clear, and the ear of brotherhood should listen in our communications with each other, and if, in joy and affliction, aid and support be mutually afforded, and if our object and desires should be accomplished, when our enemies witness our alliance, the teeth of their enmity will be blunted." He then solicited that some spot 1 might be indicated in which he might reside for a few days.

As the courage and determination of the Sultan were noised abroad, and his exceeding power and predominance were celebrated throughout the world. Sultan Shamsu-d din, after receiving the message, was engaged for some time in deliberation, reflecting upon the importance of the result, alarmed at his proceedings, and apprehensive of his attacks. It is said that he entertained a design against the life of 'Ainu-1 mulk, so that he died 2 but Sultan Shamsu-d din sent an envoy of his own, with presents suited to such a distinguished guest, and offered the following subterfuge for not according to him the place of residence he desired, namely, " that the climate of these parts is not favourable, and there is no tract suited to the Sultan ; but that, if he wished, Shamsu-d din would fix upon some, place near Dehli where the Sultan might take up his abode, and that it would be made over to him as soon as it was cleared of rebels and enemies."

1 The Sauzatu-s safa uses the Mughal word " yurt," or private domain.

2 This gentle insinuation is more boldly expressed by others, who declare that he was murdered by the Sultan, but with what object it is impossible to say.


[p.396]: When the Sultan heard this reply he returned, and reached the borders of Balala and Mankala, where from several quarters he was joined by his soldiers who had escaped, and by entire bands of those who had been wounded by the sword, insomuch that his troops amounted to ten thousand men.

He sent Taju-d din Malik Khilj to the mountains of Jud, who plundered that tract, and obtained much booty. He sent an emissary, also, to ask Rai Kokar Saknin's1 daughter in marriage. The Rai consented, and despatched his son with a force to serve under the Sultan, who bestowed upon him the title of Katlagh Khan. 2

There was a chief, by name Kubacha, who had the country of Sind under his government, and aspired to independence. There was enmity between him and Rai Saknin Kokar. The Sultan despatched an army against Kubacha, and appointed Uzbek Pai to command it. Kubacha was encamped with twenty thousand men on the banks of the Sind, at the distance of a parasang from Uchh. Uzbek Pai, at the head of seven thousand men, suddenly falling upon them by night, routed and dispersed them. Kubacha embarked on a boat, and fled to Akar and Bakkar, 3 two forts on an island, while Uzbek Pai took up his quarters in Kubacha's camp, captured all those whom he found within its precincts, and sent tidings of the victory to the Sultan, who, marching onwards, arrived at the camp in which the tent of Kubacha was pitched.

Kubdcha afterwards, flying from Akar and Bakkar, proceeded

1 The name is also spelt " Sangin" by some of the authors who treat of this period. Hammer calls him Kukarsengin. He appears on the stage eighteen years previous in the Taju-l ma-asir, where the reading is " Sarki." He must have been a Gakkhur, not a Kokar. As these tribes reside close to each other, the names are frequently confused. — [See supra, page 283.]

2 This title, which signifies in Turki " the fortunate Khan," was a favourite one about this period. "We find Ogtai bestowing it upon the Atabak Abu Bakr, and upon Burak Hajib. The latter received from the Khalif the title of " Katlagh Sultan," which Ogtai subsequently bestowed upon Burak's son. — Compare D'Ohsson's Hist. de Mong., Tom. I. pp. 222, 439 ; Tom. III. 131, 132 ; and Price, Muhammadan History, Vol. II. pp. 427, 433. [See also supra, page 354.]

  • [See Note in the Appendix on Jala1u-d din.]

[p. 397]: to Multan. The Sultan sent an ambassador to him, requiring the surrender of Amir Khan's son and daughter, who had fled from the battle of the Sind, and had taken shelter at Multan. Money was also demanded. Kubacha complied with the requisition, delivered up the son and daughter of Amir Khan and sent a large sum of money for the use of the Sultan, soliciting that his territory might not be injured.

When the weather became hot, the Sultan left Uchh with the intention of proceeding through Balala and Mankala, to take up his summer- quarters in the mountains of Jud, and on his way laid siege to the fort of Parsrur, 1 where he was wounded in the head by an arrow. When the fort was captured, the whole garrison was put to the sword. He returned from that place, when he received intelligence of the advance of the Mughal armies in pursuit of him, and as his way led him near Multan, he sent an envoy to Kubacha to intimate that the Sultan was passing in that direction, and to demand tribute. Kubacha refused, and assuming an attitude of defiance, advanced to fight him. The standards of the Sultan halted but for a moment, and then departed, returning towards Uchh, which also had revolted against him. The Sultan remained before it two days, and after setting fire to the city, went towards Sadusan. 2

Sultan Jalalu-d din in Sind

Fakhru-d din Salari was governor of Sadusan on the part of Kubacha, and Lachin of Khita, who was in command of the army, went out against Amir Khan, 3 the leader of the Sultan's advance guard. Lachin was slain in the action, and Uzbek Khan

1 The original has " Pasrawar." Both the Jami'u-t tawarileh and the Samatu-s safa read " Bisram." The Tarikh-i Alfi has " Bas," and Firishta cautiously gives no name. Hammer has " Besram." The position, antiquity, and importance of Parsrur seem to indicate that as the correct reading.

2 The Tarlkh-i Alfi adds, " which is now called Siwistan. It is at present known as Sihwan.— See Vol. I. page 401.

3 This name is in some copies read " Awar Khan," or "Anwar Khan," and in some " Anur Khan." Amir Khan is probable the right reading, and we may consider him to be the same person who was repulsed just before the action on the Sind, whom D'Ohsson calls " Orkhan," and whose daughter had fled to the Sultan for protection. We find the same Orkhan acting a conspicuous part in the subsequent events in Persia.


[p.398]: invested the city of Sadusan. When the Sultan himself arrived, Fakhru-d din Salari presented himself before him in an humble posture, with his sword (round his neck), and clothed in a shroud. 1 The Sultan entered the city, and after staying there for one month, he conferred an honorary dress upon Fakhru-d din Salari, and restored to him the governorship of Sadusan.

The Sultan then went towards Dewal and Darbela, and Jaisi ; 2 the ruler of that country, fled away on a ship, and went in the direction of the sea. The Sultan remained near Dewal and Damrila, and sent Khas Khan with an army to pillage Nahrwala, whence he brought back many captives.

The Sultan raised a jami' masjid at Dewal, on the spot where an idol temple stood. While he was engaged in these operations, intelligence was received from 'Irak, that Sultan Ghiyasu-d din had established himself in that province, and that most of the troops who were quartered there were attached to the interests of Sultan Jalalu-d din, and were anxiously expecting his return. It was also represented, that Burak Hajib was in Kirman, and had fortified himself in the city of Bardasir. It was also given out that the Mughal army was still in pursuit of the Sultan. He accordingly departed from Dewal and Damrila, and went by way of Makran, but the climate was so very insalubrious that he lost the greater part of his army. 3

1 This was a common mode in the East to imply that one's life was in another's power. On the Sultan's return to Persia, we find his repentant generals going through the same emblematic form of contrition. — See also Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. III. p. 347.

2 This name is spelt differently by different authors, It is not improbable that Jaisi was considered a mere title, and that it was ascribed to the ruler of Debal, because, at the time of the Arab invasion, Jaisiya, the son of Dahir, was governor of that town, through the same kind of ignorance which induced Hatifi to call the ruler of the Panjab in Timur's time, "Pithaura.," two hundred years after his decease, and Rashidu-d din and Binakati to call Bari the capital of Oude, three hundred years after it had ceased to be so. Be it remembered these are all errors of foreign, not local writers.

3 D'Ohsson (III. 5) adds that he left Uzbek to govern his possessions in India, and Wafa Malik those in Ghor and Ghazna. De Guignes (II. 281) says he left "Pehlevan Uzbok and Hassan Carrae, surnamed Ouapka Moulk." The latter in the end expelled Uzbek, in the year 627, and seized all the possessions which he had in India.


[p. 399]: When Burak Hajib heard of the approach of the Saltan, he sent him many presents, with the expression of his hearty congratulations, and, on the Sultan's arrival, Burak Hajib solicited that he would accept his daughter in marriage. The Sultan acceded to the request, and the marriage was celebrated. The Kotwal also came forth, and presented the keys of his fort, upon which the Sultan entered it, and remained during the night.


Sultan Jaldlu-d din's Allies.

After the lapse of a week, Sultan Jalalu-d din arrived at Ghazna, where he was joined by many bodies of his adherents, and assumed the pomp and circumstance of a monarch. When Yamin Malik heard, in Hindustan, of the Sultan's arrival at Ghazna, he hastened to meet him. Aghrak Malik, also, with an army of Khiljis and Turkomans, came from Peshawar to do him homage, and A'zam Malik 1 brought a large force of Ghorians to serve under him. In all the troops now at his disposal amounted to twenty thousand cavalry.

The Sultan went with these large reinforcements to Parwan, on the borders of Bamian, where many roads converge. There he received intelligence that a body of ten or twelve thousand Mughal cavalry had gone in pursuit of him to Ghazna, where, as there was no army to oppose them, they had entered the city before the inhabitants had received intelligence of their approach, had burned several mosques, massacred all the people they found in the lanes and streets, and then continued their pursuit after the Sultan to Parwan, by way of Kalawaz, staying at Ghazna only one day. 2

Their Fate, after deserting the Sultan.

In the action which ensued the Sultan was victorious, and the

1 Malik was at that time a title between that of Amir and Khan, for we find Amirs promoted to the rank of Malik, and Maliks to that of Khan.

2 This relates to what occurred previous to the action on the Sind, but the author has deferred the narrative till he could accompany it by a statement of the fate of the Sultan's allies.

[p.400]: defeated Mughals returned to Changiz Khan in Talikan ; but after the victory strife arose in the Sultan's army, between the Khiljis, Turkomans, and Ghorians on one side, and the Khwarizmians on the other, respecting the division of the horses which had been taken as booty. Aghrak Malik and A'zam Malik went off by way of Peshawar, with all the Khiljis, Turkomans, and Grhorians. The Sultan returned to Ghazna with the Turks and Khwarzimians, who all remained true to him. 1 Aghrak Malik, A'zam Malik, and the other Khilj, Turkoman, and Ghorian chiefs, went, after first leaving the Sultan, to Nangnehar, -which was in the fief of A'zam Malik. He entertained them all nobly, and treated them with great kindness, until disgust and hatred arose between Aghrak Malik and Koh Jandar, one of the Khilj chiefs, who had five or six thousand families under him.

Aghrak Malik turned his face towards Peshawar, at the head of twenty thousand men, and Koh Jandar cantoned him- self at Nangnehar. 2 When Saifu-d din Malik had encamped only one march distant from Nangnehar, he sent a messenger to A'zam Malik to say : — " Between us and you there exist the relations of father and son. I am father and you are son. If you desire to gratify me, do not allow Koh Jandar to remain in your territory, nor bestow upon him any tract of land." A'zam Malik said : — " In this matter it is not expedient that there should be any misunderstanding or wrangling between Musulmans," so he went forth with fifty horsemen of his bodyguard to Saifu-d din Aghrak, in order to effect a reconciliation. Saifu-d din Aghrak advanced to meet him, and they sat down together to drink. A'zam Malik spoke on the subject of Koh Jandar, and Aghrak Malik pretended to listen to his persuasions. Saifu-d din Aghrak then rose up suddenly in a state of inebriety, and went towards the camp of Koh Jandar, with a few horse-

1 D'Ohsson says that before the battle of the Sind, the Sultan wrote urgently to his dissatisfied allies to join him, to which they consented when it was too late. The Mod. Univ. Hist, has the same statement.

2 D'Ohsson reads " Bekerhar."


[p. 401]: men. Koh Jandar, under the impression that he had come on a friendly visit, went out with his sons to meet him, and give him an honourable reception, when Aghrak Malik in his drunkenness drew his sword, with the intention of killing Koh, whose attendants seized the assailant and cut him in pieces.

When the news of this event reached the camp of Aghrak Malik, his troops suspected that he had been the victim of a plot between Koh and A'zam Malik. In consequence of which, they seized A'zam Malik and slew him. They then attacked the camp of Koh, and killed him and his sons. Many were slain on both sides, and even the women took part in the fray, and lost their lives.

About this time Pakchak and 'Aldu-1 mulk Sadr were despatched by order of Changiz Khan to punish these drunkards. Pakchak was the commandant of these Mughals, and 'Alau-l mulk of the infantry, and the residue of those armies of Khiljis, Turkomans, and Ghorians were all put to the sword and dispersed, within two or three months after they had deserted Sultan Jalalu-d din, either in squabbles amongst themselves, or by the armies of Changiz Khan, so that not a vestige of them remained.

*****

Burak Hajib 1

Burak Hajib having had some dispute with Taju-d din Karimu-s shark, marched away with his army towards Hindustan. In the year 619 h., Ghiyasu-d din designed to go to Fars. * * * * When news was received of the arrival of the Mughal army, under Tului 2 Khan, Burak Hajib requested Ghiyasu-d din to allow him to go to Ispahan, but he went with

1 The previous history of this adventurer is given by Rampoldi, Annali Musulmani, Vol. VIII. note 69. See also pp. 267, 298, and 655 of the same volume. Hammer spells the name Borrak, in the Gemaldesaal.

2 Tului signifies in the Mongol language "a mirror, and after his death it was forbidden that any other word should be used in this sense, except the Turki one of gueuzugu.—D' Ohsson's Hist, Mong., Tom. II. p. 60.

[p.402 his tribe (Karakhitai) to Hindustan, by the road of Kirman. 1 When he arrived at Juraft and Daryai, the garrison of the fort of Kawachir urged Shuja'u-d din Abu-1 na'im to follow after him, so Shuja'u-d din plundered his camp, and brought back many Khitai slaves.

1 Hindustan appears to have been a favorite retreat of the Karikhitais of Kirman. A few years subsequent to this event, we find one of the successors of Burak Hajib fleeing to Hindustan. " On attaining to years of discretion, Hijjaj Sultan proceeded to treat his mother with indignity, and in one of his carouses proposing to her to dance before him, the insulted princess justly took offence, and withdrew to the court of Abaka. The Sultan, not a little terrified on his part, fled shortly afterwards into Hindustan. At the expiration of ten years, followed by a considerable army, raised for his assistance by the princes of India, he was returning to recover his inheritance, when he died on the march, in the month of Zi-1 hijja, 670 h." — Price's Mahommedan History, Vol. II., p. 434. D'Ohsson says (IV. 92) that he fled to Dehli, and that Sultan Jalalu-d din Khilji supplied him with an army to recover his possessions.

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