The Role of Jats in the Economic Development of Marwar

Author:Laxman Burdak, IFS (R)

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The Role of Jats in the Economic Development of Marwar

The Jats appear to have proved their worth as an agricultural caste not only in fertile but desert tracts, too. This becomes evident when Rao Var Singh got Merta in Jagir. Rao Jodha, the founder of the city of Jodhpur, parceled out his kingdom among his sons. Merta was jointly bestowed upon in two sons Var Singh and Duda in vikram samvat 1515/1458. He encountered the problem of its colonizatIon. After getting Merta, Rao Var Singh surveyed the area and found it desolate and barren. He faced the complete absence of cultivators in the area but it did not hamper his spirit. As soon as he assumed his authority the Rajputs followed him and got settled there at the initial stage. But later it proved unsatisfactory. Till the middle of the 15th century, this area was desolate and inhospitable for cultivation.

Danga Jats came from Nagaur District

Merta's surrounding areas, part of Nagaur and Jayal were well cultivated and populated by Danga/Daga/Diga, a clan of the Jats. Differences among them surfaced and, consequently, the Dangas first migrated to the village of Kathoti of Jayal and then to Harsor. Finding It difficult to reside there, they continued their search for new settlements.

At Merta, Rao Var Singh was desperately in the quest of cultivators to plough the barren land of his 'fiefdom'. This news reached the caste-leader of the Dangas named Thir Raj who subsequently met the Rao. He offered his services and said that if he was invited, he would colonize all the villages. The Rathor chief agreed to all the demands of the colonizer, and Thir Raj was accorded the status of the head of the pargana (desmukh chaudhari) of the entire territory. His headquarter was established at Dangawas an old locality within Merta itself.

The influence of Thir Raj over the area was overwhelming. He held a position of eminence amongst his caste fellows. By exercising his influence, he brought the Jats of Swalakh (an old name of Nagaur) and got settled in Merta assuring them about their welfare. Consequently, a process of settlement was heralded and village were colonized continuously. In this way the entire area of Merta was settled and populated, making the land productive. The words of Nainsi are: pachhe Merta ra sara gaon basiya, dharati awandan hui . This statement of Nainsi is extremely perceptive: it hints at the expansion of agriculture with the help of irrigational methods practised by the Jats.

Evidence compiled by Nainsi on the clans of the Jats and their original homes and migration there from to different places in Merta are of Immense importance. Prominent immigrant clans like Danga, Thiroda, Chandeliya, Dugsata, Didel (Didelar), Rawna (Vaniya), Kamediya, Bhadu, Kasaniya, Gwalra, Godara, Somarwal, Bohadiya, Latiyal (?), Chohila and Vat Gohilot. These titles belonged to different localities of Nagaur and need proper identification.

Jats came from Bikaner and Ajmer districts

Interestingly, the migration was confined not only to Nagaur but people from Bikaner and Ajmer reached there, too. The Godara of Bikaner and Vat Gohilot, too, headed towards their new abode in Merta. The Godaras migrated from Bikaner whose head named, Pandu exercised bhomichara over the territory of Sekhsar comprised of 360 villages. After the establishment of the Rathor rule over their territory the position of the followers of Godara Pandu might have reduced. Therefore, some of them had migrated to Merta probably for better chance. The Khyat provides the list of the Jat bhomias and their territories in Bikaner.

The mapping of information is illuminating which demonstrates the direction of the peasant migration. A piece for evidence indicates the Rajput origins of the Jats. Nainsi reports that the Dangas were originally Chauhan Rajputs and had embraced the Jat caste probably in the later 14th or beginning of the 15th century. The first initiator for this change was Jagsi, son of certain Chhaju Jat. Erskine mentions three divisions among the Jats :

• (1) The asli or pure Jats with no Rajput ancestry;
• (2) The joint Jat Rajput stock; and
• (3) The Anjana or those of inferior social rank,

The genealogy of Jagsi

His genealogy found a place in the Nainsi's Vigat. The genealogy of Jagsi goes as follows:

1. Maharikh → 2. Sam → 3. Fokat → 4. Wali → 5. Chhajju → 6. Delu → 7. Jogsi → 8. Duleharo → 9. Thir Raj → 10. Dugar → 11. Viko → 12. Chhitar → 13. Hemo → 14. Jalap → 15 Khinwraj.

Incidentally, Thir Raj, the colonizer of Merta, probably was the grandson of Jagsi. We gather from the genealogy that the office of the desmkh chaudhary granted by the Rathor Chief in the beginning of the 15th century continued in his family even during the 17th century.

Nainsi reports the existence Anjana Jat in a large number of the villages of Merta. In the caste-census of 1891, they are reported to have taken their caste title or nomenclature from their home-village. This statement makes sense of the evidence of the vagat. The Jat immigrants from Nagaur presumably derived their caste title from the name of the Village.

Jats completely altered the face of the Rathor state

The settlement of the Jats completely altered the face of the land not only of Merta but the whole of the Rathor state. They had dug out wells of different kinds to the level of underground water. They also employed the latest water-lifting devices (such as Persian-wheels, dhenkli and charas) for irrigating their fields. In Merta, the wells per sq. mile were over 5 in 1658 while over 3 in 1929-80 are reported in the corresponding territory. It shows the attachment of Jats to the irrigation in medieval times. This is evident from the villages exclusively inhabited by them. Their efforts sometimes won appreciation from the European traveller Mundy.A comparison with the Rajput villages would make this point clear. In Metra, 531 to 566 wells (kosita and ahibra) were irrigating the land of ten villages under the Jat peasantry while only 3 to 4 wells are reported in five Rajput villages. The same level of difference was in Jodhpur. The estimated income (rekh) was the real index of the prosperity of the Jat-villages. This rekh of these villages was more than nine times higher than the Rajput villages.

This should be sufficient to prove the worth of the Jats who, as peasants, provided a sound economic base to the state. Their hard work coupled With their adaptability to agricultural technology, contributed to the economy of the Rathor state in an outstanding manner.

The categories of peasants among the Jats

The rural and urban caste-enumeration for Marwar conducted Under the command of Nainsi for the 1660's is of great importance toward understanding the role and place of caste in an agrarian society. Nainsi is extremely conscious while mentioning castes in villages. He gives a clue to determine the status of a particular caste in rural society.

Since the Jats had established their credentials as a peasant group, they were at the top of the list of castes. They are recorded in over 65 percent villages in Marwar. This corresponds with the larger size of the rural population in the state.

The foregoing discussion points to three categories of peasants among the Jats :

• Karsa/raiyat (resident cultivators),
• pahis (non-resident cultivators) and
• basi -peasant (subordinate peasants or semi-serfs).

The revenue-schedule of the pargna Merta shows that the burden of the revenue was heaviest on the first category. They had to part with half of the grain in revenue in the kharif while 2/5th in the rabi 'to the tax appropriatiors. In addition, the taxes were also realized on account of expenses. A separate tax on camels at the rate of Rs. 1 -1/2 per camel was also imposed on them. This became unbearable for the Jat raiyat and they marched all the way to the mughal court at Ajmer and protested against the heavy imposition by the Rathor ruler. This shows the level of consciousness of the Jat peasants against the economic exploitation by the ruling classes.

Besides peasantry, the Jats are reported to have entered into the ranks of zamindari. They are recorded in the villages of Sojat (4 out of 15) and Jaitaran (16 out of 36 villages) as the holder of basi . This is a significant development showing their upward movement. Some Jats were also camel breeders who provided camels on hire for transportation. Peter Mundy took camels from the Jats.

Some selected members of the Jat community exercised superior rights over their breathren who were styled differently in the documents as vedera, muqaddams desmukh chaudhari and chaudhary. The Vadera, muqaddam and chaudhry appear to have acted as intermediary at the village level. This is attested to in the case of Merta and Phalodi. In every village, the state appointed a Chaudhary to collect revenue from the peasants, and they invariably belonged to the dominant caste of village. A locality in the village Lohawat in Phalodi was exclusively inhabited by the Jats; therefor, a person named Toho Sanwla of the same caste was accorded the status of the Chaudhary. This implies that the Jat villages had their own caste Chaudhary. The above account shows that the Jat, as a single caste, was highly stratified as the rural society. A caste encompasses a landless poor, landowning peasant (raiyat), semi-serf (basi) zamindar, head of the village (muqaddam, chaudhary and Mirdha) and the master of the entire territory or pargana (desmukh chaudhry). All this formed the Jat Caste.

References

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