The history of India : as told by its own historians. Volume II/IV. Jamiu-l Hikayat of Muhammad Ufi
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Sir H. M. Elliot Edited by John Dowson, 1867
Volume II: To the Year A.D. 1260
IV. Jámi'u-l Hikáyát of Muhammad 'U'fíIntroduction
[p.155]: [The full title of this work is Jawámi'u-l Hikáyát wa Lawámi'u-l Riwáyát, " Collections of Stories and Illustrations of Histories," but it is commonly known by the shorter title prefixed to this article. The author was Mauláná Núru-d din Muhammad 'Ufí, who lived during the reign of Shamsu-d din Altamsh (r.1211-1236), to whose minister, Nizámu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Abu Sa'id Junaidi, the book is dedicated. In one of his stories he states that his tutor was Ruknu-d din Imám, and that he attended the Madrasa in Bukhara, from which it may be inferred that he was born in or near that city. It would appear also that he was a traveller, for he speaks in different places of the time when he was in Cambay, and of when he was in Khwarizm.
In the Preface of the work he relates in very inflated language the defeat of Násiru-d din Kubácha by Nizamu-l Mulk Junaidi and his subsequent suicide. It does not exactly appear what part the author took in this transaction, but he distinctly says that he was besieged in the 'fort of Bhakkar with Nasiru-d din, and he was evidently well acquainted with all the details. A short abstract of this account will be given at the end of the historical extracts.
The work may shortly be described as a Romance of History. It bears much the same relation to the history of India and Central Asia as the " Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus" bear to the History of Rome. Gen. Briggs (Firishta I. 23 and 212)
[p.156]: describes it as " a collection of historical stories and anecdotes illustrative of the virtues, vices, and calamities of mankind, but more useful in commemorating the prevailing opinions of contemporaries than as a source of authenticity." This estimate of the work is somewhat tempered by the remarks of Mr. Thomas (Prinsep I. 37,) who says, " the compiler of a succession of tales does not ordinarily carry the weight that belongs to the writer of history ; and favourite oriental legends, as is well known, are suited from time to time with many and various heroes, but the author of the Jami'u-l Hikayat is something better than a mere story-teller and his residence at Dehli under Altamsh (a.h. 607, A.D. 1211) gave him advantages in sifting Indian legends of no mean order." Many of the stories which are here recorded of historical persons have no doubt a foundation of fact, but some of them have certainly been amplified and embellished to make them more agreeable reading. Thus the story about the miraculous spring of water which is said to be quoted from 'Utbi enters into details which are not to be found in the original relation (supra p. 20.)
The work is divided into four Kisms or parts, each containing twenty-five chapters, but the first part is the longest and comprises about half the work. The first five chapters are devoted respectively to
- (1) Attributes of the Creator,
- (2) Miracles of the Prophets,
- (3) Marvellous Stories of the Saints,
- (4) Anecdotes of the Kings of Persia, and
- (5) Anecdotes of the Khalifas.
The next chapter is upon Justice, and all the rest are similarly devoted to the illustration of some moral or intellectual quality. This arrangement, however well adapted to accomplish the object of the author, is particularly perplexing to those who are seeking for historical or biographical notices, and a long and laborious search is necessary to find any anecdote which has not been carefully noted down. The extracts which follow have therefore been arranged in something like chronological sequence, but the chapters from which they are taken are always specified so as to make easy a reference to the original.
[p.157]: A great number of different books are mentioned as the sources from which the stories have been derived. Among them are the Tarikh Yamini, Tarikh-i Nasiri, Tarikh-i Muluk-i 'Ajam, Tarikhu-1 'Abbas, Majma'u-1 Amsal, 'Ainu-1 Akhbar, Sharfu-n Nabi, Faraj b'ada-l Shiddat, Khalku-1 Insan, Fawaid-i Kutb-i Hikayati, Miftahu-1 Hajj,Sarru-l Dari, Shajratu-l 'Akl, Aklibar-i Baramika, etc.
The work has been a popular one, and has served as a mine from which many subsequent writers have drawn largely. Haji Khalfa notices three different Turkish versions, and one of these has been described by Hammer-Purgstall.
Besides the Jami'u-1 Hikayat the author produced a Persian Tazkira, bearing the title " Lubabu-1 Albab," which is, however, more of an Anthology than a Biography.
Copies of the Jami'u-1 Hikayat are not uncommon. Sir H. Elliot used in India two large folio MSS., one containing 850, and the other 1000 pages. There is a fine copy in the East India Library. The Editor has had three large MSS. for use and reference. One fine perfect copy in Naskh characters belonging to Mr. H. T. Prinsep, size, 16 x 11 inches ; another in folio belonging to the late Raja Ratan Sing, of Bareilly, in which the third Kism is deficient, and lastly, a MS. which formerly belonged to Ranjit Singh and is now the property of Mr. Thomas. This last contains only the first two Kisms, but as far as it goes it is fuller and more accurate than the others. The different copies vary considerably in the number of stories.1
Stratagem of the Minister of King Fur of Hind.
It is related in the books of the people of Hind that when Fur the Hindu succeeded to the throne of Hindustan, he brought the country under his rule, and the Rais made submission to him.
1 See Haji Khalfa II. 510; Rampoldi VI. 485, 514, XI. 185; Gemaldesaal II, Uiet passim; Assassins, 221, Goldene Horde XXVII ; Firishta I. 23, 212, IV. 420 ; Jahrbucher, No. 70.
[p.158]: He had a minister exceedingly clever and intelligent, unequalled in ability and unsurpassed in ingenuity. This minister maintained a firm government and made himself most valuable to his master. Under him the power of the Brahmans was curtailed and their mummeries unheeded ; hence they hated him, and conspired to overthrow him. They at length resolved to write a letter to Fur in the name of the deceased Rai to this effect : — " I am very happy where I am, and the affairs of my State are well administered, still I am distressed for the want of my minister, for I have no one like him to confer with, — you must send him to me." They sealed this with the royal signet, and gave it to one of the king's personal attendants, with directions to place it on his pillow while he was asleep. When the king awoke, he saw the letter, and having read it he sent for his minister and showed it to him, telling him that he must prepare for a journey to the next world. The minister evinced no repugnance, but expressed his willingness to go. He knew full well that the dead cannot write, and that they have no power to send letters and messengers, so he felt assured that this was a plot of the Brahmans. He said to the King, " Grant me one month that I may make preparation for my departure — to satisfy my enemies, redress some injuries, and bestow a few gifts and offerings on the meritorious, so that I may depart in peace." The King granted the respite. The minister then had a large hole dug in the open ground, and all around it he had quantities of firewood placed. He then had a tunnel dug from his house to this hole, and made its outlet immediately under the firewood. When all things were ready, the minister took leave of his master, who gave him a letter addressed to his father saying, " According to your command, I have sent my minister, and I am now awaiting further directions from you, for I will do whatever you desire." The King proceeded to the appointed place, the minister placed himself under the firewood, and the Brahmans set fire to it. The minister then went through the tunnel to his home, and remained closely concealed there for four months.
[p.159]: At the end of that time, he one night sent information to the King that his minister had returned from the other world. The King was amazed, but the minister waited upon him, and kissing the ground, presented a letter written in the language of the King's father, which said, "You sent me the minister in compliance with my direction, and I am greatly obliged ; still I know that your kingdom is going to ruin without him, and that all the affairs of State are in confusion, so I send him back to you, and make this request, that you will despatch the Brahmans to me, so that I may be at peace and your throne may receive no injury from them." When the King had read this, he called the Brahmans before him and made known to them the communication he had received. They were greatly alarmed, and saw that it was all a trick of the minister's, but as they were unable to expose it, they were all burnt.
Rai Shankal and Bahram Gur
When Bahram resumed the government, and again exercised a beneficial influence over his subjects, he desired to examine the country of Hindustan, and bring it under subjection. So he placed his army and country in charge of his brother Zasi, and clothing himself in the garb of a merchant he went to Hindustan. At that time the Rai of Hind was named Shankal, who in dignity and prosperity, in territories, treasures, and armies, excelled all the other Rais.
Bahram arrived in his territory, and made himself acquainted with all its affairs. It happened that at this time a huge elephant made its appearance in the forest without the city, and so distressed the people that all traffic on the road was put a stop to. The King's men were unable to prevent this, but Bahram went out against it, and, single-handed, killed it. This exploit being reported to the Rai, he called Bahram before him, and asked him who he was, whence he had come, and for what reason he had hitherto kept aloof from him. These questions Bahram
[p.160]: answered by saying that he was a native of Iran, that he had fled thence to save his life, which had been attempted by the king of that country, who for some reason had become inimical to him. On hearing this, Shankal treated him with great kindness and received him into his especial favour. Bahram remained in attendance upon Shankal, until shortly after a powerful enemy rose up against and threatened the Rai, who, deeming himself not sufficiently strong to hold his own, wished to submit to, and become a tributary of his invader. This, however, Bahram would not hear of, but, putting himself at the head of an army, expelled the enemy. This feat made his courage famous throughout Hindustan, and Rai Shankal, having witnessed his valour, and how by his aid the enemy had been over- thrown, loaded him with honours. One day, Bahram was drinking wine in the company of the Rai, and having become intoxicated, blurted out the following Persian verses : —
- " I am that ferocious lion ; I am that huge elephant ;
- My name is Bahram Gur, and my patronymic Bujabala," 1
Shankal heard this, and becoming aware that his friend was Bahram, he rose up, and leading him into the presence chamber, and kissing the ground before him, excused himself for his apparent neglect, saying, " though greatness is depicted in your countenance, yet I, through my blind folly, have hitherto been wanting in the respect due to so exalted a character. I stand before you stupified, and shall ever bless my fate, if you will but condescend to take up your abode at my residence, and grace my poor house with your august presence. I am altogether and devotedly at your service. Tour orders shall be my law, even should you command me to leave my kingdom and become an exile."
Bahram answered, "You have nothing to reproach yourself for ; you have invariably treated me with the greatest kindness and hospitality, and have done all, nay, more than all, that could
[p. 161]: be expected. One request I would make of you. You have in your harem a daughter, whose beauty outshines the sun, and whose figure shames the cypress. Give her to me, by so doing our friendship will be more strongly cemented, and you will have laid me under the deepest obligation to you."
Shankal promptly complied, and gave him his daughter in marriage, and many gifts and presents. He also made such magnificent preparations for the ceremony, that they became the topic of conversation amongst all people. Bahram, protected by the prestige of his name, returned to Iran. His army and subjects came forth to meet him, and celebrated the joyous occasion by sacrificial offerings, almsgiving, and every sort of festivity. Bahram, gratified by the delight his subjects showed on his return, gave orders that the taxes of seven years should be refunded to them, and that for the ensuing seven years, all business should be set aside, and the people should give themselves up to complete ease and pleasure.
Accordingly, all devoted themselves to the pursuit of pleasure, and neglected their professions, and trade, and farming ; in consequence of which, an utter stagnation of all commerce ensued. No grain was grown — a dearth followed, and the condition of the people was altogether changed. On seeing this, Bahram directed that the people should divide the day into two portions, — the first half was to be spent in work and business, and the other half in ease and enjoyment. This arrangement being carried out, the time flew by with lightning speed.
1 The Hudaiku-l Balaghat and the Majma'u-s Sanay say that this was the first verse composed in the Persian language.
The Solis of Persia
[I. iv. 17.]Bahram Gur, while out hunting, observed a party of shopkeepers diverting themselves in the evening with drinking in a boat without musicians. He asked them why they had no minstrels, and they replied that his Majesty's reign was a happy one for musicians, who were in great demand, and could not be obtained even for a high price. They themselves had offered
[p. 162]: 100 dirhams, but could not get one. Bahram said he would consider the matter and provide for their pleasure, so when he got home he wrote off to Shankal requesting him to send a supply of them. Shankal accordingly sent 1000 sweet-voiced minstrels to Persia, there to dwell and multiply. The present Solis are descended from the colony which came over upon this invitation.1
Anecdote of Kisra2
[IV. X. 5.]It is related that when Kisrá (Naushirwan) became king and inherited vast possessions, he sent an officer to Hindustan,3 entrusting him with the government of that country, and told him that he should rule with equity over the subjects and not distress them by tyranny and injustice, for until the people were made happy, the country could not be populated and his fame would never spread itself over the world. The first object in becoming a king is to obtain a good name. The officer promised to observe these precepts, and accordingly marched towards Hindustan. He had no sooner reached its borders, than he taxed the subjects and demanded one year's revenue from them. He exacted from them one-tenth of their property, and the people finding it too heavy for them to pay, objected, saying that the former kings had exempted them from such a payment, and they could not submit to such a rule. They therefore consulted with each other, and addressed a petition to Kisra, containing a full representation of the case. Kisra consequently ordered that it was but proper for them to follow the customs and rules of their forefathers, and any others ought not to be introduced.
Rai Jai Sing of Nahrwala
Muhammad 'U'fi, the compiler of this work, observes that he never heard a story to be compared with this. He had once been
1 The same assertion is made in the Tabakat-i Nasiri.
2 [I have not found this story in either of the MSS. that I have used. — Ed.]
3 Another copy reads Taharistin.
[p. 163]: in Kambáyat (Cambay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in which, a number of Sunnis, who were religious, faithful, and charitable, resided. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of Guzerat and Nahrwala, was a body of Fire-worshippers as well as the congregation of Musulmans. In the reign of a king named. Jai Singh, there was a mosque, and a minaret from which the summons to prayer was cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated the infidels to attack the Musulmans, and the minaret was destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eighty Musulmans were killed. A certain Muhammadan, a khatib, or reader of the khutba, by name Khatib 'Ali, escaped, and fled to Nahrwala. None of the courtiers of the Rai paid any attention to him, or rendered him any assistance, each one being desirous to screen those of his own persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Rai was going out to hunt, Khatib 'Ali sat down behind a tree in the forest and awaited the Rai's coming. When the Rai had reached the spot, Khatib 'Ali stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and listen to his complaint. He then placed in his hand a kasida, which he had composed in Hindi verse, stating the whole case. The Rai having heard the complaint, placed Khatib 'Ali under charge of a servant, ordering him to take the greatest care of him, and to produce him in Court when required to do so. The Rai then returned, and having called his minister, made over temporary charge of the Government to him, stating that he intended to seclude himself for three days from public business in his harem, daring which seclusion he desired to be left unmolested. That night Rai Jai Sing, having mounted a dromedary, started from Nahrwala for Kambayat, and accomplished the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. Having disguised himself by putting on a tradesman's dress, he entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places in the market place, making enquiries as to the truth of Khatib 'Ali's complaint. He then learnt that the Muhammadans were oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. Having thus learnt the truth of the case, he filled a vessel with
[p. 164]: sea water, and returned to Nahrwala, which he entered on the third night from his departure. The next day he held a court, and summoning all complainants he directed the Khatib to relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of the infidels wished to intimidate him and falsify his statement. On this the Rai ordered his water carrier to give the water pot to them that they might drink from it. Each one on tasting found that the vessel contained sea water, and could not drink it. The Rai then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit confidence in any one, because a difference of religion was involved in the case ; he had himself therefore gone to Kambayat, and having made personal enquiries as to the truth, had learnt that the Muhammadans were the victims of tyranny and oppression. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects were afforded such protection as would enable them to live in peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each class of Infidels, Brahmans, Fire-Worshippers,1 and others, should be punished. He gave a lac of Balotras2 to enable them to rebuild the mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatib four articles of dress.3 These are preserved to this day, but are only exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and minaret were standing until a few years ago. But when the army of Bálá,4invaded Nahrwala, they were destroyed. Sa'id Sharaf Tamin rebuilt them at his own expense, and having erected four towers, made golden cupolas for them. He left this monument of The Faith in the land of Infidels, and it remains to this day.
Rai Jai Sing of Nahrwala.
[I. xiii. 15.]
In the city of Nahrwala there was a Rai who was called Jai Sing. He was one of the greatest and wisest princes of the time
1 [Tarsá. This name is used for Christians and for Fire-worshippers. It would also sometimes seem to be applied to Buddhists.]
2 These Balotras appears to derive their name from the Bálás.
3 <arabic>
4 [One MS. writes this name " Balwa," another " Málú." — Malwa.']
[p. 165]: Before his time there was no Rai in Guzerat and Nahrwala. He was the first man who possessed dominion and claimed sovereignty there. He ruled over the country with great gentleness, and controlled the other chiefs. "When his fame had reached all quarters of the world, the Rai of Daur,1 who was the head of all the Rais of Hindustan, heard of him and sent ambassadors to ascertain upon what grounds he had assumed royalty ; for in former times there was no Rai in Nahrwala, which had only been a den of thieves, and threatening that if he did not relinquish his pretensions he would lead an army against him, and hurl the very earth of Guzerat into the air with the hoofs of his horses. When the ambassadors arrived and delivered the message, the Rai showed them the greatest civility and hospitality. One night the Rai changed his clothes, putting on such as were worn by soldiers, and having buckled a sword round his waist, he went out and proceeded to the house of a courtezan, and having bargained with her, he stayed in her house that night, but kept himself under control. When the woman was fast asleep, the Rai took away all the clothes and property he could find, and buried them in a certain place. He then turned homewards, but as he was going along he saw a weaver, who was engaged in weaving cotton. He called him and said, "If to-morrow you are brought before the Rai, and are charged with having committed a theft in the night preceding, you first deny it, but afterwards confess and say that you buried the property in such and such a place. Rest assured that you shall receive no harm, but shall be made happy by my reward." Next morning, the Rai mounted an elephant, and the ambassadors of the Rai of Hind rode out with him, intending to go to the forest. When they had gone a little way, the Rai saw the courtezan worrying the chief police officer of the city, and saying, " Last night my clothes were stolen ; find out who the thieves
1 Perhaps meant for Dravida, or the country of Coramandel ; on which name see M. Reinaud, Mimoire sur l'Inde, p. 284, and Fragments Arabes, pp. 104 and 121. Mr. Thomas's MS. reads " Kaur."]
[p. 166]: were, or make good the loss." The Rai asked what the woman was saying, and what she was complaining about. He replied that she complained of a man who came to her house in the previous night, and consorted with her, and when she was asleep stole her clothes. 1 want time to find the thief or the clothes, but she will not hear of any delay. The Rai said, " She is right. She had only those clothes, and it is your duty to be vigilant, and as you have been negligent you must pay the penalty." The police officer replied, " It is as the king says ; still if a man goes at night to the house of a prostitute and carries off her clothes, how am I to blame? I promise, however, that if I do not find the thief within a week I will pay the value of the things." The Rai replied, " You must find the thief instantly, or I will punish you as a warning to others." The police officer said it was not in his power to produce him. The Rai asked him, "Would you like me to find him?" and the poor man replied, " Yes." There was an idol of stone in Nahrwala resembling a negro. The Rai told the ambassadors that this idol was obedient to him. He then made a signal to it, and waited a moment, then turning his face towards the ambassadors he said, "Do you see this negro?" They said, "We see nothing." The Rai then addressed it, saying : " A theft was committed last night, and the clothes of a prostitute were stolen ; tell me where they are." After a short time he exclaimed, " They are buried in such and such a place." People proceeded to the spot, and there found the things which had been stolen. The police officer said, " If the Rai would be pleased to give the necessary directions the thief also might be caught and punished." TheRai answered : " The idol says you have recovered the stolen goods, what more do you want?" The police officer still pressed the point, and the king replied, " The idol says he will direct you to the thief if you will promise to pardon him." The officer gave the required promise, and the king then said, " The idol says that a weaver who dwells in such and such a place was the thief." The weaver was brought forward. At first he denied
[p. 167]: the theft, but at length confessed, and told them where he had buried the clothes. The ambassadors were surprised at this. Some days after, Jai Sing Deo said to the ambassadors, " Go and tell your master that I have a slave who, if I give him the order would bring your master's head to me in a moment ; but as he is a great king, and his territory is a long distance off, I will not molest him. If, however, he again shows hostility, he shall get the punishment he deserves." The ambassadors returned and related all the circumstances to their master. The Rai of Daur was much alarmed, and sent him great presents. By this artifice the Rai of Nahrwala gained his purpose, without shedding the blood of a single man.
A Hindu Merchant of Nahrwala
In the city of Nahrwala there lived a Hindu merchant who having deposited nine lacs of Balotras in the hands of a certain person, after some time died. The trustee then sent for the merchant's son and said, — Your father left with me nine lacs of Balotras. The son replied that he knew nothing about it, but that there would probably be mention made of the transaction in his father's accounts. These he sent for but could find nothing about nine lacs ! on this he observed : " Had my father entrusted anybody with so large a sum, surely mention would have been made of it in his account book ; this not being the case, I cannot feel myself justified in taking possession of the money." The trustee urged the youth to take the money, but he still refused, and the contention grew hot between them. At last they agreed to refer the matter to the arbitration of Rai Jai Sing Deo, who gave it as his opinion, that since the two could not agree as to the disposal of the money, it was advisable that it should be expended on some work of lasting utility, so that the real owner would reap the reward of virtue and charity. Accordingly, the 'nine-lac reservoir," the finest in the world, hitherto unsur-
[p.168]: passed by all that the cleverest and wisest have executed or imagined, was built ; and remains to be seen to this day.
A certain Rai of Hind conferred on his brother the chieftainship of Nahrwala. This brother was of an exceeding cruel and wicked disposition. He made counterfeit dirhams and circulated them in different parts of the country. After the lapse of some time, a certain person became acquainted with this dishonest act, and reported it to the Rai, who, on hearing it, sent a powerful force which captured and sent this brother to him.
It happened curiously enough, that this brother had given one of his servants some poison with instructions to go and seek employment in the Rai's kitchen, and, when opportunity offered, to administer some of the poison to the Rai, in order to procure his death, so that he himself might succeed to the vacant throne. On his employer's capture and imprisonment, it occurred to this servant that, as things had so fallen out, it was advisable that he should inform the Rai of the circumstance. So he went to the king and having showed him the poison, told him of the plot his brother had laid against his life. On hearing this, the RaI returned thanks to Almighty God for his great escape, and punished his brother for his intended crime. Thus by this act of royal justice was he saved from assassination, and the fame of his goodness spread abroad through all nations.
Rai Gurpal of Nahrwala.
The following is one of the most interesting stories relating to the people of India. There was a Rai of Nahrwala named Gurpal,1 who surpassed all the other rulers in Hindustan in good
1 [This name is so given in the draft translation made in India, and it is written " Gúrbál" in Raja Ratan Singh's MS ; but in the other MSS. that I have used it is "Alúrbár," and "Alúdbal."]
[p.169]: qualities and amiable disposition. Before he had been raised to the throne he had passed many of his years in beggary, during which period he had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune, having shared both its smiles and frowns, and endured all the miseries of travel. When he obtained power he exercised it with a right appreciation of the duties of a ruler, remembering his own days of adversity he afforded full protection and justice to his subjects, ruling with impartiality and equity.
It is said that one day having left the city, he rode into the surrounding country on an elephant. While looking about him, his eye suddenly fell on the wife of a washerman who was going to the jungle to wash clothes. She was dressed in red, and of surpassing beauty ; all who beheld her became passionately in love with her and lost all control over themselves.
The Rai overcome by the feelings her beauty excited in his heart, turned his elephant towards her and was tempted to let his passion get the mastery over his better feelings. Suddenly he came to himself, and, restraining his wrongful desires, said, " passions you are doing wrong, beware. Good never comes to him who does ill." He then turned back filled with remorse, and assembling all the Brahmans, he ordered them to prepare fuel, declaring his intention of burning himself alive. The Brahmans asked him what sin he had committed. He then told them of the wicked desires he had entertained in his heart. The Brahmans having heard his relation, said that they undoubtedly must burn him, and that even then the expiation would be incomplete. For he was king, and his power supreme ; if he could not restrain his passions, then in a short time all the female inhabitants of the city would become degraded and all the offspring illegitimate. It was right, therefore, that he should immolate himself, and by so doing, obtain forgiveness for his sins, and enter into eternal life. Wood was then brought, and a funeral pile having been made, it was lighted. When it was thoroughly on fire and the flames mounted high, then the Rai made preparations to throw himself into the midst, but the Brahmans prevented him, saying :
[p. 170]: " The work of expiation is complete, inasmuch as the fault was of the mind and not of the body. The innocent should not be punished for the guilty, had your body been a participator in the crime, then indeed it had been necessary to have burnt it also. Your mind has already been punished and purified by fire."
They then removed the Rai from the pyre, and he in celebration of this sacrifice, gave as a thank-offering one lac of Balotras, and bestowed large sums in charity.
- " If a king be just, although he he an infidel,
- His country will be secure from all injury and loss."
March of the King of Zabulistan upon Kanauj1
In the early part of their career there was friendship between the King of Zabulistan1 and the Rai of Kanauj, but it ended in animosity and war. The King of Zabulistan marched against Kanauj with a large army. The Rai called together his advisers and asked their opinions, when each one spoke to the best of his ability. One of them said that he had a decided opinion on the matter, but he could only speak it in private. The Rai ordered the council chamber to be cleared, when the minister said : " War is attended with great dangers, and the result is doubtful ; the best thing the Rai can do is to inflict punishment upon me and to drive me forth in disgrace to the highway, so that when the enemy shall approach, I may be taken to act as his guide. I will then lead them into the desert so that all may perish with thirst, and you will thus be relieved from all apprehension. The Rai praised him for the proposition he had made, and a few days after he put it in execution, giving orders for him to be expelled the country. The Hindu then went and placed himself in the way of the King of Zabulistan, and when the king drew near with his army, the Hindu made his case known. The king said " How can a minister who has been thus treated have any kind
1 [This is another version of the story told by Abu Rihan at page 11, supra; and a similar one is given with Mahmud for the hero, at page 191, infra.]
[p.171]: feeling towards his persecutor?" The Hindu said, "All this was done on the absurd suspicion of my being friendly to you.'" He then added, " From this place where you now are to that where the Rai is, the distance is eleven days' journey by the desert, but no one besides me knows the road, and the Rai feels secure that your army cannot make the passage; if, however, you will assure my life and will hold out promises and hopes of reward, I will lead you by that way and enable you to take the Rai by surprise." The king gave orders for his army to provide eleven days' provision of grain and water, and plunged into the desert. After marching twelve days their water was exhausted, and they nowhere found a trace of any. The king called for the Hindu, and asked how it was that they had not come to any water. He replied : " I have accomplished my object in bringing you here, and have discharged my duty to my master. You are now in the middle of the desert, and no water is to be found within eleven days march — my work is done, do with me as you please."
A cry arose from the bystanders, and a commotion broke out in the army. The king in the extremity of his despair mounted his horse and galloped in all directions. He perceived a hillock crowned with verdure, and joyfully directed his men to dig a well there. When they had sunk about ten yards they came upon some excellent water, at the sight of which the king and all his army gave thanks to God. Each man dug a well in front of his tent, and gained new life. The king then called together his elders, and asked what ought to be done to the man who had misled them. They all declared that he ought to be put to death with the most cruel tortures, and each one specified some particular mode of torture. But the king said, " My judgment is that you should give him a little water and let him go. What he has done has been out of pure devotion to his lord and master ; to save him he has risked his own life. He has done what he intended, but our good fortune has rendered his scheme abortive." So they gave him water and permission to depart. The story of this incident spread, and through it the
[p.172]: whole country of Kanauj was secured to him, and the people bowed their heads in obedience.
It is related that 'Amru Lais conferred the governorship of Zabulistan on Fardaghan and sent him there at the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in that country, which was called Sakáwand,2 and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustan to the idols of that place. When Fardaghan arrived in Zabulistan he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idols in pieces, and overthrew the idolaters. Some of the plunder he distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to 'Amru Lais, informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements.
When the news of the fall of Sakawand reached Kamlu,3 who was Rai of Hindustan, he collected an innumerable army and marched towards Zabulistan. Upon hearing of this march, Fardaghan secured several Hindus and sent them to Hindustan.
These men entered the camp of Kamlu and reported to him that when Fardaghan had conquered Sakawand, he immediately despatched people to different quarters of the country, calling for additional forces, knowing that the Hindu would certainly
endeavour to take revenge. The result was that an army of Muhammadans had been collected around him, such as would coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army of 'Amru Lais was advancing, with the design of leading their antagonists into the defiles and there slaughtering them all. When Rai Kamlu heard this intelligence, he halted where he was, and was very cautious in his movements. In the meantime, Fardaghan received reinforcements from Khurasan, such that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this ingenious device he succeeded in his object.
1 [The text of this story is printed in Thomas' Prinsep, Vol. I. 317.]
2 "Bahawand" in another place. [See supra p. 140.]
3 [Mr. Prinsep's MS. reads " Kalmu."]
Some Anecdotes
[p.173]:
There is a story to be found in some Hindu works, that a man having bought a house from another, began to make alterations in it. While prosecuting these he happened to light upon a concealed treasure. He took the money to the former owner, and said, " I have discovered this treasure under the wall of the house I purchased from you." The man replied — " I sold the house just as I bought it, and know nothing about the money. I cannot take it, as I do not believe myself to be entitled to it." On this they both agreed to go to the king and deliver the treasure up to him, that he might expend it on some work of public utility. Accordingly they went, and having represented the whole case, made the money over to the king. On this the king exclaimed — " You are people of the middle class, and meddle with what does not become you. I am entrusted with the responsible duty of managing and adjusting the affairs of my subjects, and to me God has entrusted the reins of government. How can I take this charitable money?" The men replied, " You are the king, and we come before you in this difficult case, in order that it might be settled by your justice and equity." The king then told them to make some marriage arrangement between their families. It happened that the seller of the house had a daughter, and the purchaser a son, so the daughter of the former, with the money in question as dowry, was given in marriage to the son of the latter. The king from an innate sense of justice, would not suffer the skirt of his robes of equity and righteousness to be soiled by the dirt of oppression and ishonesty.
I have read in a book that certain chiefs of Turkistan sent ambassadors with letters to the kings of India on the following mission, viz. : that they, the chiefs, had been informed that in India drugs were procurable which possessed the property of prolonging
[p.174]: human life, by the use of which the kings of India attained to a very great age. The Rais were careful in the preservation of their health, and the chiefs of Turkistan begged that some of this medicine might be sent to them, and also information as to the method by which the Rais preserved their health so long.1 The ambassadors having reached Hindustan, delivered the letters entrusted to them. The Rai of Hind having read them, ordered the ambassadors be taken to the top of an excessively lofty mountain, and then he told them that, when the hill on which they then were should be rent asunder and thrown down, then he would give them their answers, and permission to return to their own country. The ambassadors on hearing this became greatly alarmed, and despaired of living to revisit their home, relations, and friends. They pitched their tents in the valleys, and fervently prayed to Almighty God for deliverance from their troubles. They spent their whole time in offering up prayers to heaven. In this manner a long time passed. At last having one day offered up their prayers to God most earnestly, they observed the mountain shaking. The sorrow of their hearts had moved the heart of the mountain. It began to totter, and presently its lofty summit toppled over and fell to the ground. Having lifted up their voices in praise and thanksgiving to God, they informed the Rai of what had occurred. The Rai said "this is my reply to your mission. Though you are few in number, having given up your minds to prayer, by the force of your devotions you have caused the mountain to fall down. Your kings rule tyrannically, so that the people pray earnestly for their destruction, and by means of their prayers they at last blast the prosperity and annihilate the power of their oppressors. It is the paramount duty of all those in whose hands authority and power are placed, to walk in the path of justice and benevolence, in order that those who are weak should be
1 This was a favourite persuasion of the Orientals. In the fourth Book and fifteenth chapter of this work, the third story relates to a chief of Jalandhar, who had attained the age of 250 years.
[p.175]: strengthened and protected by the law, and that those who are wealthy should enjoy their riches in peace and security. Wealth is but a faithless friend, and life but an uncertain companion ; neither one nor the other is enduring and permanent."
Self-possession of an Indian Minister.
[I. xiv. 17.]A certain Indian prince had in his employ a minister remarkable for his learning and wisdom. The prince had also some slave girls, who were most elegant and beautiful, and possessed of every imaginable charm. One day the minister went before the king while these slaves happened to be in attendance, for the transaction of certain business. The minister cast an eye of love on one of them, and then perceived that the prince was observing him. He therefore still kept his eye fixed in the same direction. For twenty years he continued in the prince's service, and every time he went into the presence he kept his eye fixed in that direction. By this means he allayed the royal jealousy, as the prince thought that the glance he had observed was not intentional, but merely the effect of a natural squint.
The Arming of Ya'kuh Lais
At the commencement of the career of Ya'k'ub Lais, a body of his friends bound themselves to raise him to the dignity of chief. When Salih Nasr had taken Sistan, and become powerful, they observed to Ya'kub that Salih had grown strong, and that if he did not take heed at once, he would not be able to do much afterwards. Ya'kub consulted with an old and wise man in this matter, who said, " It is as your friends have told you, something must be done instantly." Ya'kub then asked him what steps he should take, and the old man replied that there were two divisions of Salih's army — one the Sanjaris, the other the Bustis, and the best thing he could do was to irritate the Sanjaris by telling them that though battles were won by their hard fighting, the
[p.176]: plunder obtained by the conquests was carried off by the Bustis. "By your persuading them of this," said the old man, "hostility will be created between them. They will separate from each other ; and in all probability the Sanjaris will come over to you, because they are fully aware of your skill and address, and of the courage you have shown in battle; they are also conscious of your having saved them from the Kharijis." Ya'kub acted upon this advice, and so worked upon the Sanjaris, that enmity sprung up between them and the Bustis, and Salih Nasr found himself in a very precarious situation. The Sanjari troops went over to Ya'kub, and when Salih Nasr saw that affairs were come to extremities, he proceeded with his army of Bustis towards the enemy. Ya'kub, Ibrahim and Hafz came forward and encamped at the pass of Ghanjara. Ya'kub resolved to make a night attack, and Salih being apprized of it, fled in alarm towards Bust. Thus did Ya'kub, by a clever stratagem, obtain the victory over his enemy.
Ya'kub Lais and Rusal.
[I. xiii. 21.]Almighty God endowed Ya'kub Lais with a very lofty mind so that he rose from the most abject position to the highest pitch of glory and prosperity. He encountered many dangers and passed through great difficulties, till at length he aspired to the acquisition of dominion. When Salih Nasr1 fled from before him, he went and joined Rusal,2 and excited him to collect his troops and march against Ya'kub Lais. Rusal assembled his armies, and placed Salih Nasr at the head of the foremost division. Ya'kub Lais on receiving the intelligence, called together some old and experienced men and asked their advice as to the
1 In one of the stories of the nest chapter Ya'kub is said to have been the darwan, or doorkeeper of Salih Nasr.
2 In most of the passages where the name recurs in this story it is spelt as " Rúsal," but in one as " Ratbal," and in another as " Ratbil" [Mr. Prinsep's MS. has " Rasal" and " Rutsal," hut Mr. Thomas' "Zambil." See Vol. I. pp. 167, 168.]
[p.177]: means of repelling the invasion of Rusal. They advised him to oppose the enemy, and represented that although he had a small force, yet he ought to trust in the help of God, and resort to every wile and stratagem to harass his opponent, but not to engage in a pitched battle. When Ya'kub reviewed his army, it was found not to consist of more than three thousand horse. However, he proceeded to oppose Rusal, and when he reached Bust, people derided him, saying, "How can he fight against Rusal with this small number of horse." Ya'kub Lais now had recourse to stratagem and deception. He sent one of his confidential servants to Rusal with a message to say that, he wished to come and meet him, and render him homage ; he knew he was not able to cope with such a potentate, but that if he should tell his people that he was going to meet Rusal, they would not obey him, and might possibly kill both him and his dependants. He had consequently told them he was proceeding to give battle to his enemy, in order to induce them to accompany him ; but that when he should join Rusal and make his submission, they must perforce follow his example. When the ambassadors of Ya'kub came to Rusal and delivered the message to him, it was vey agreeable to him, because he was greatly harassed by Ya'kub, who continually made incursions into his country, and attacked it in different directions. He made the ambassadors welcome, and sent messages to Ya'kub, giving him many kind promises and holding out hopes of preferment. Ya'kub despatched his messengers one after the other, and to prevent his followers from being disheartened he told them that he had sent the messengers to reconnoitre the enemy's army.
When both the armies came in front of each other, Rusal called Salih Nasr and told him that as the enemy had come to proffer his submission, there must be no fighting. A day was fixed for a parley between the parties. It was not the habit of Rusal to ride a horse, but he used to sit on a throne which a party of his servants carried on their shoulders. When both the armies were drawn 'up in array, Rusal seated himself upon his throne
[p.178]: and ordered his troops to stand in line on each side of it. Ya'kub with his three thousand brave horsemen advanced between these two lines, and his men carried their lances concealed behind their horses and wearing coats of mail under their garments. The Almighty made the army of Rusal blind, so that they did not see the lances. When Ya'kub drew near Rusal, he bowed his head as if to do homage, but he raised the lance and thrust it into the back of Rusal, so that he died on the spot. His people also fell like lightning upon the enemy, cutting them down with their swords, and staining the earth with the blood of the enemies of religion. The infidels, when they saw the head of Rusal upon the point of a spear, took to flight, and great bloodshed ensued. The bride of victory drew aside her veil and Ya'kub returned victorious. Next day six thousand horsemen of the infidels were sent prisoners to Sistan. He also placed sixty of their officers on asses, and having hung the ears of the slain upon the necks of these officers, he sent them in this manner to Bust. In this conquest he obtained such immense treasure and property that conjecture cannot make an estimate of them.
Salih Nasr fled from the field and went to the king of Zabulistan. His troops deserted him and joined Ya'kub, who, after he had secured peace to the country, sent a messenger to the ruler of Zabulistan requesting him to surrender Salih Nasr. His request was complied with ; and when Salih came, Ya'kub put him in prison, where he died. The hostility which the people of Bust had shewn to Ya'kub, he now retaliated upon them. He fixed the same poll-tax upon them as was levied from the Jews, and this was collected with severity. This victory which he achieved was the result of treachery and deception, such as no one had ever committed.
Surrender of Ghaznin to Alptigin
When Alptigin, the master of Subuktigin, deserted the Samanians and went to Ghaznin, they were by his departure reduced
[p. 179]: to great destitution, and serious disturbances broke out in the country. We will make mention in the proper place of this occurrence, as well as of his reasons for separating himself from them. On his reaching Ghaznin, the garrison shut themselves up in the fort and refused to surrender to him. He, therefore, pitched his camp without, and speedily possessed himself of the suburbs and surrounding country.
There he exercised his power with such impartiality and re- gard for justice, that the people around were in the enjoyment of perfect peace. One day he was going along the road when he perceived a party of his servants coming from a village, with poultry slung from their saddle-straps. Having stopped them, he enquired how the fowls came into their possession. They pretended that they had purchased them in a neighbouring village. On this Alptigin sent a horseman to the village with instructions to bring the head man of it into his presence. When he was brought, Alptigin asked him whether the men had bought the fowls or seized them by force. The man appeared desirous of hiding the truth, so Alptigin told him to tell the truth on pain of punishment. The man then said, " When a Turk comes into a village he does not buy fowls but always takes them by force." On hearing this, Alptigin gave orders that the culprits should be punished with death. Those around implored mercy, and entreated that some lesser punishment than death might be inflicted on the thieves. He complied with this request, and ordered the offender's ears to be bored and the birds to be suspended from them by a string tied to their legs. This having been done, the birds, in struggling to escape, so flapped and beat with their wings the men's heads and faces that blood flowed copiously from the wounds inflicted. In this condition they were paraded through the army. The news of this act of justice having reached the ears of the people, they all assembled together, and agreed that a man so upright and just was worthy to be their ruler. That very evening they went to him and agreed upon the terms of capitulation. The following day the
[p.180]: city was surrendered. So, by this one act of judicious impartiality he became possessed of the city of Ghaznin, which rose to be the shrine of prosperity and abode of wealth.
Bravery of Amir Subuktigin
When Bilkatigin1 went towards Ghaznin, the Samanians were informed that the Turks were coming from Khurasan. He (the king) sent his minister, Abu Is'hak, with a large body of men, and another force also to stop the advance of the enemy. When information of this design reached Bilkatigin, he despatched Suhuktigin with his followers to frustrate it. Suhuktigin observed that the passes were narrow and difficult, and that his enemies were acquainted with them, while he was a stranger. He therefore considered it advisable to employ stratagem in resisting them. So he proceeded to the head of one of the passes and there formed three ambuscades, in which he placed some of his men, while he with another party advanced into the pass. When the enemy saw the smallness of his force they came out and attacked him. Subuktigin pretending to fly from before them, induced them to leave the passes in which they were posted, and they were thus drawn out into the open plain. Amir Suhuktigin then made such an attack on them that the earth shook, and the enemy fled with precipitation to seek safety among the passes.
Subuktigin then let loose his three ambuscades, and these falling on the foe ere they reached the defiles, not one of them escaped. Subuktigin then cleared the passes of the enemy's men, and he (Bilkatigin) having witnessed the dauntless courage of Subuktigin, spoke of him in terms of admiration. He went through the passes in safety, so that not a single camel was missing; and this was solely attributable to the judgment of Subuktigin.
1 [See a coin of this chief and some observations on the time of his reign by Mr. Thomas in Jour. R. A. S. Vol. xvii. p. 140. See also Tabakat-i Nasiri, infra.]
[p.181]: When Bilkátigin1 came from Khurasan to Ghaznin and took possession of the country, the chief of it, Abu 'Ali Kubak,2 abandoned it.3 Bilkatigin soon gave himself up to debauchery, and entrusted Subuktigin with the management of the city. In this high post, Subuktigin discharged the duties with great efficiency and courage, and with all vigilance and care. One day, Amir Bilkatigin took wine, and held a great carouse, and from early dawn to midnight was engaged in drinking. He also endeavoured to persuade Subuktigin to drink, but without success. When the curtain of darkness was drawn over the face of the sun. Amir Bilkatigin fell into a sound sleep, but Subuktigin was very watchful and his eyes were open like the stars. Suddenly he heard a noise which proceeded from some corner, and immediately after it was followed by an uproar. With lamps and torches he went in that direction, and then he saw a body of armed men standing in the street, ready to raise a tumult. He demanded, in a loud voice, who they were ? They gave an incoherent reply. Subuktigin threatened to attack them, when they were constrained to confess that a body of malcontents had conspired to make a rising that very night, and, as a sign of their success, to light a fire upon the roof of the fort. At this signal, Abu 'Ali was to bring up his force, capture Bilkatigin and his adherents, and drive all his troops out of the country. Subuktigin, on. hearing these words, killed four men upon the spot and rushed out of the fort. He found a large
1 [The munshi's translation had the name "Alptigin," on which Sir H. Elliot made a note that another copy (Ratan Singh's) read " Badkitigin." The name is Bilkatigin in Mr. Prinsep's MS., and consequently I have substituted that name in the translation.]
2 [Mr. Prinsep's MS. has " Amir Ali Kubad, and, when the name next occurs, Kuhak. Sir H. Elliot read the name as " Uvek." The Tabakat-i Nasiri (post) reads the name Amir Anuk. See Journal if. A. iS., xvii. p. 141.]
3 M. Reinaud observes that Ibn Haukal, who, in consequence of his personal acquaintance with Abu Is'hak Ibrahim, might be supposed to be well acquainted with the affairs of the Ghaznivides, does not mention to whom Ghazni belonged when it was taken by Alptigin. — Memoire sur l'Inde, p. 244.
[p. 182]: number of men assembled in arms, who were waiting for Abu 'All Kubak. He put them all to the sword, and then advanced against Abu 'Ali. He took his brother prisoner, and then returned to the city. When morning dawned, Amir Subuktigin brought some of the insurgents, with the heads of some of those he had killed, to Bilkatigin, and related the whole story of the transactions of that night. The Amir expressed admiration of his conduct, and considered him worthy of great favours ; and because he was very cautious and never negligent of his enemy, he appointed him his deputy and elevated his rank above that of all his equals. He also rewarded his companions with five hundred thousand dirhams. All this was the fruit of watchfulness. Wise men know that vigilance is necessary in all circumstances.
Mahmud's Youthful Strategy.
[IV. XX. 6.]It is related by Abu-n Nasr 'Utbi in his work called Tarikh Yamini1 that the King of Kabul made war upon the Muhammadans at the beginning of the career of Nasiru-d daula Subuktigin. When intelligence of this war was brought to the Amir Nasiru-d din, he called out his forces from Khurasan to oppose him. Sultan Mahmud was then about fourteen years of age. Amir Nasiru-d din summoned his officers and consulted with them upon the plan to be pursued. Amir Mahmud gave it as his opinion that the best course was to go in advance of the army and seek a strong place in the mountains, where they might make themselves secure, and from whence they might make nocturnal and unexpected assaults upon the enemy. They would thus prevent the foe from advancing against them, and distress him with incessant raids. The counsel was approved by all, and Amir Nasiru-d din advanced and occupied a position near Baghru.2 The King of Kabul marched thither with a countless army, and for some time the opposing forces encamped there.
1 [Mr. Prinsep's MS. reads " Tarikh-i Daulat-i Yamini.]
2 [The first letter has no point.] "
[p. 183]: One day a woman of the neighbourhood came to Amir Nasiru-d din and told him that there was a spring not far off in the mountains which had this property, that if filth was cast into it the sky became overcast, snow and storms followed, and the weather became so cold that no one in these parts could endure it. This cold and foul weather would last as long as the filth remained in the fountain. He sent and had some dirt thrown into the spring. Cold and stormy weather followed. The army of Hind was
reduced to extremities, and the Musulmans were completely victorious.1
Sultan Mahmud and the Sister of Ayáz.
[II. xxi. 8.]It is said that Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud Subuktigin had been long enamoured of the sister of Ayaz — he was sincerely attached to her, and anxious to espouse her. But it occurred to him that he might by this act incur the reproaches of the neighbouring kings and princes, and forfeit the respect and esteem of his own servants. This apprehension he entertained for a long time.
Abu Nasr Mishkani says — " I was one night in attendance on the king, and when all the assembly was gone, he stretched out his legs and ordered me to "shampoo" them. I knew that he certainly intended to tell me some secret. At last he said, " It is a maxim with wise men that there are three people from whom a secret should not be concealed, viz. : a skillful physician, a kind preceptor, and a wise servant. I have been long greatly perplexed, but I will this night unburden my mind and learn your opinion on the matter." I observed, " I am not worthy of the high honour done me by the king, but as he, in his high wisdom has determined it, I will to the best of my ability represent what may appear to me as good or evil in the matter." The king said, " It has long been a secret within me, that I am desirous of espousing the sister of Ayaz. But will not the neighbouring
1 [See page 20, supra.']
[p.184]: kings call me a fool and low-minded, and will not you also, my servants and slaves, speak ill of me in respectable society. I ask your advice in this matter ; have you ever heard or read, in any history, of kings wedding the children of their slaves ?" I made obeisance and said — " Many cases similar to this have occurred. Several kings of the Samanian dynasty married their own slave girls. This act will not seem to the world as derogatory to the king's honour and rectitude. Perhaps your Majesty is unaware that Kubád, at the time he went to Turkistan, took as his wife the daughter of a villager, from whom was born Naushirwan. In Persian history, I have also read that Bahram Gur married a washerman's daughter.
The Sultan asked me the particulars of the story, so I said, " I have heard that one day Bahram Gur went out hunting, and having started a stag, followed it so far that he became separated from his train. He felt thirsty and went towards a village. He there saw a washer man sitting on the edge of a pond washing clothes ; his wife and daughter were sitting by him with a heap of clothes ready to be washed. Bahram approached them, and said, ' O washerman, give me some water to drink.' The washerman stood up, and having paid him the usual marks of respect, ordered his wife to fetch some water for the king. She took the cup, and having washed it several times in clean water, said to her daughter, ' I am not a virgin, man's hand has touched me, but you, who are an unbored pearl, should give the water to the king.' The girl took the cup and brought it to the king, who, looking at her, perceived that she was incomparably beautiful and charming, and possessed of excellent disposition and manners. He then asked the washerman if he would admit him as a guest for that day, who replied, that if the king could be contented with dry bread he would spare nothing in his power ; saying this, he spread a clean cloth on the bank, and Bahram sat down. The washerman then took his horse and fastened it to a tree, and gave his daughter a fine cloth with which she fanned the king, and protected him from flies. He himself hastened to the village and procured
[p. 185]: food, wine, meat, in short, everything on which he could lay his hand, he brought. He gave his daughter the wine and cup, and ordered her to act as cup-bearer to the king. On which she cleansed the cup, and having filled it with wine, brought it to the king, who took her hand within his — she kissed them. Bahram said, ' girl, the lips are the place to kiss and not the hand.' The girl paid her respects, and said that the time had not yet come for that. The king was surprised at the elegance of her appearance and the eloquence of her speech. They were thus engaged when the train of Bahram appeared in sight. He told the girl to conceal her face, on which she pulled her veil over it. He then on that spot having performed the nuptial ceremony, placed her on an elephant under a canopy, and made her father ride away with them ; her mother also accompanied them,"
When the Emperor heard this story, he was much pleased, and bestowed presents upon me : saying, " You have relieved me of this care." After two days he espoused the sister of Ayaz.
Anecdote of Sultan Mahmud.
[I. xii. 9.]
When Khwaja Ahmad acted as minister to Sultan Mahmud (may God be merciful to him !) all the principal officers of State were inimical to him and traduced him to the Emperor, who thus contracted a great dislike to him, and was desirous of removing him from office. On this subject Abu Nasr Mishkan says that Arslan wrote him a letter, saying that " The king is displeased with Khwaja Ahmad, and we, his Majesty's servants, must beware of resisting his will. But in common charity we are bound to declare what we know or have heard. Khwaja Ahmad is undoubtedly the most able minister of the time, and has been very useful to our sovereign. He has long been in government employ and has experienced great changes of fortune. It is now some time since he was appointed Minister of State, and now all men of influence, rank, and dignity are his enemies. The cause of their hatred to him is his devotion to his master, and his dis-
[p. 186]: regard of their wishes and pleasure. His associates in office are also inimical to him for the same reason. You would do right to communicate this letter to his Majesty, although I know that his mind has been so perverted by them that my counsel will be useless. Still the time may come when his Majesty may feel some regret, when he will not check but excuse our representations."
Abu Nasr Mishkan continues : I read the letter and for a long time I was watching for an opportunity to lay it before the king. I also received constant messages from the minister imploring my support and assistance. I replied that it would not do to be precipitate, but that I must wait till a suitable occasion offered itself.
The Sultan Mahmud also knew that I was watching my opportunity, but he kept strict silence on this matter, till at length it happened one day that the Sultan went out on a hunting excursion, and though it was not customary with me to attend him, yet on this occasion I did so. The Sultan asked me why I, who never went out hunting, had now come with him. I replied that it was always the duty of a servant to attend on his master. The Sultan then said, " I know that you have come in order that you might speak to me about Ahmad, but matters like these ought not to be forced upon me." I replied, " May your Majesty's judgment be always right." He then became silent and spoke not another word. That day and that night passed by. On the next night the Sultan was drinking wine and enjoying himself, when he made me sit down with him, and he talked upon all sorts of topics. At length he asked me if I had ever heard or had ever read in any book that ministers were their king's enemies. I said, " No ; but I have read that the man is foolish and stupid who seeks to be a minister." He asked wherefore, and I replied, " Kings cannot endure that any one should share their authority, nor will they allow any one but themselves to give orders. If the office of minister is given to one who is looked upon as the dearest of friends, before a week
[p.187]: has passed he is deemed an enemy and is despised." Nothing farther passed at this meeting. After his return to Ghaznin, he was sitting one night alone, and calling for me, bade me be seated, and said, " Hitherto I have kept silence with you regarding Ahmad. Now be mindful that you tell me the truth without equivocation or reservation." I replied that I would obey his Majesty. He observed that Ahmad was an experienced and well qualified minister, who had been in the service from his youth, and had conferred lustre on his office, but he held his master in slight esteem, and he was at the same time covetous of the wealth of the Musulmans, which he extorted from them, and opposed the king's orders. He said that he had been informed of many oppressive acts towards the slaves (ghulam) and such people. That he had resolved on his dismissal, and that all with whom he had consulted on this business had concurred with him. He then asked me what I had to say on the subject. I replied, that " What your Majesty in your wisdom deems most advisable is certainly best, — who can gainsay it ?" The king then insisted on my expressing an opinion, — I said, " Arslan Jazib1 had sent me a letter," and having it with me, I shewed it to him, and begged his permission to give him my views on the case to the best of my ability. The king consenting, ordered me to speak. I then said, — "If the charges of oppression and opposition which have been brought against the Khwaja are proved to your Majesty's satisfaction, they must not be passed over, but punishment must be meted out to the minister, so that no injury may come to the country. But if, on the other hand, merely suspicions have been excited in the king's mind, then search and enquiry must be patiently made throughout the country for a man competent to fill Ahmad's place. On such a man being found, then his Majesty may follow his own will and pleasure. If one cannot be found, the greatest precautions must be taken." Having finished, the king said he would consider of it, and gave
1 [One MS. calls him "Jazib," another "Khariz." Baihaki uses the former name, p. 135, supra,']
[p. 188]: me permission to depart. At last, the Khwaja was deprived of his situation and imprisoned, but the king soon regretted it, for the affairs of the State and country fell into great confusion.
[I. xii. 14.]
When Yaminu-d daula Mahmud came to the throne, and the effects of his greatness spread through all countries, and his rule swept away the idol temples and scattered the worshippers, some sharp men of India formed a plan (for enriching them-selves). They brought out a dirham of great purity and placed a suitable price upon it. Time passed on and the coin obtained currency. Merchants coming from Muhammadan countries used to purchase these dirhams and carry them to Khurasan. When the people had grown accustomed to the value of the coin, the Indians began by degrees to debase the standard. The mer- chants were unaware of this depreciation, and finding a profit upon silver, they brought that metal and gold from all parts of the world, and sold it for (debased coins of) copper and brass, so that by this trick the wealth of the Muhammadans was drawn to Hindustan.
When 'Aldu-d daula1 ascended the throne, this grievance had become intolerable, and he determined to remedy it, and consulted with the merchants as to the measures most proper to be taken to effect this purpose. They advised that the debased coinage should be exchanged for good from the royal treasury. Accordingly 'Aldu-d daula gave the necessary orders, and 100,000,000 dirhams were issued from the treasury to the mint, and thence distributed to the servants of the Almighty as redress and compensation. The fame of this act spread the lustre of Alau-d daula's glory throughout the world.2
1 '"Aliu-d daula" is not the title of the Mas'ud who succeeded Mahmud, but of Mas'ud III.
2 [A translation of this story is given by Mr. Thomas in Jour. R. A. S., Vol. xvii, p. 181.]
[p.189]:
Anecdote of Khwaja Hasan Maimandi.
[III. xi. 1.]In the reign of Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud, and in the days when Khwaja Hasan Maimandi was his minister, there was a man called Abu Ahmad Suhal Barar. He was a great spend- thrift, a peculator and a wine-bibber. At one time twenty thousand mans of indigo, which belonged to the Sultan, fell into the hands of the son of Ahmad.1 Some of this he sold and spent the proceeds. One day, Abu Suhal Barar came to the minister to pay his respects. The minister said, " I have heard that your son has embezzled government property, when you saw him doing so why did you connive at it ? Do you think that I will pass it over ? Should he who possesses such a name as Ahmad (' most laudable') be such a fool and commit such follies ?" In short, he expressed himself in unmeasured terms. Abu Suhal exclaimed, " May your life, my lord, be increased ! pardon my son ; his name is Ahmad, and he should be forgiven." The Khwaja was extremely annoyed, but laughed at his ignorance and folly. He said to Abu Suhal, " You are worse than your son. Curses be upon you, thoughtless fool." Abu Suhal, on hearing this abuse, did not even then perceive that what he had said (was improper), nor did he consider that his name was Ahmad, and that it did not become him to utter such words. He commenced to retort in disrespectful language, and said, "Perhaps somebody has excited you against me, and consequently you are thus angry with me." The Khwaja replied, " No, I have heard it from your own tongue." He then dismissed him ignominiously from his service.
It is proper for those who have access to kings and great men, that they should take heed to their actions and speech, and neither do or say anything boldly and rashly, to bring shame
1 It appears from a statement of Ibn Haukal, that the Sultans used to reserve a large portion of indigo to themselves as a sort of royalty. — See M. Reinaud, Memoire sur l'Inde, p. 245.
[p. 190]: and destruction upon themselves. They should behave respectfully towards their master, so that they may reap the benefit of their services.
Anecdote of Mahmud.
[I. xi. 46.]One night Sultan Mahmud was drinking wine, while his sons, Muhammad and Mas'ud, were present. Abu Nasr Mishkan says that, when some time had passed in this manner, the conversation happened to turn upon Amir Subuktigin, when the Sultan offered up prayers for his father, and his eyes were filled with tears. He said, " My father (may God's mercy be on him!) had established very good rules for the management of the country, and took great pains in enforcing them. I thought that when he should be no more, I should enjoy the exercise of my power in peace and security, and eat and enjoy myself. I also considered that after his demise I should become a great king. But the truth was revealed to me when he died and his shadow was removed from my head, for since his departure I have not had one day's happiness. You think I drink this wine for pleasure, but this is a great mistake. I take it merely as a device to gain a few days' peace, and relieve the people from all annoyance from me. These my sons entertain similar ideas to those which I did in my youth ; but when the kingdom devolves upon them, they will find out the truth."
His sons made their obeisances and said, " May such thoughts never enter our minds. We both desire to sacrifice our lives at your Majesty's feet." The king commended them and bade them to sit down, which they did, but they soon afterwards departed. He then (says Abu Nasr) called me to him, and making me sit down, he stretched his legs towards my lap, and I shampooed them for a short time. He asked me what I thought of his sons, I kissed the ground and answered, " What can I say, how can tongue describe the excellencies of those two suns of grandeur, and those two moons of the heaven of prosperity ! Thank God,
[p. 191]: they possess such qualities as are beyond all expression." He said, "The excellence you ascribe to them does not mean much."1 (I said) " Fathers know best the character of their sons." He then enquired whether I had a son. I replied, " Yes, I have one, his Majesty's slave." He said, " Tell me by my soul and head, is he like you, and as worthy as you !" I answered, " My lord, you know all, but my son is young, and not old enough to have shown what his real disposition is." On this the king observed, " Let him grow up and then yon will see that he will not be worth your finger ; if he is he will be one of the marvels and wonders of the time. Mas'ud," he continued, " is a proud fellow and thinks there is nobody better than himself, Muhammad is stout of heart, generous, and fearless, and if Mas'ud indulges in pleasure, wine, and the like, Muhammad outdoes him. He has no control over himself has no apprehension of Mas'ud, and is heedless of the important concerns of life. I fear I find but little satisfaction in the thought of Muhammad succeeding me ; for woe to him at the hands of Mas'ud, who will devour him, and woe also to the generals of my army, for Mas'ud is a very covetous man and has great love of money. If he should hear of any officer possessing a little property, he will be sure to destroy him in a few days, and appoint some worthless fellow in his place. It will thus come to pass that in this great kingdom every one will strive to benefit himself and you may imagine the pass to which matters will come." I replied, "My lord, may you ever enjoy sovereignty ! dominion in this kingdom will for ever remain in this family !" The conversation was continued for some time in this strain, and when the Sultan went to sleep, I returned. Eventually what the king had said came to pass in every particular. The history of Muhammad and Mas'ud is well known, and will be related in this book in its proper place.
1 [The MSS. differ slightly here, but the sense appears to be as translated]
[p. 192]:
Mahmud's return from Somnat.
[I. xii. 16.]
A stratagem similar to that narrated in the last story1 was employed when Sultan Yaminu-d daula was returning from Somnat. Two Hindus came to him and offered themselves as guides. They led the way for three days and conducted him into a desert where there was neither water nor grass. The Sultan asked them what kind of road they called that by which they had come, and whether there were any habitations in the neighbourhood ? They replied that they had been commissioned by the Rai, their chief, and had fearlessly devoted themselves to the work of bringing him thither. " Now you have," continued they, " the sea (darya 'azim) before you, and the army of Hind behind. We have done our business, now do you do with us what you like, for not one single man of your army will escape." In the midst of this conversation, a water-fowl was suddenly seen flying in the air. The Sultan said, where there are water-fowl there must be sweet water, and proceeded after it. At length he reached the banks of a great river, the water of which was very brackish and quite unfit to drink. He was in this plight when he perceived another water-fowl, he followed it up and came to a village in which they discovered sweet water. He then ordered a suitable punishment to be inflicted on the two guides. Upon searching the village they found an 'Alawi (descendant of 'Ali) who was dwelling there with his family. They asked him if he knew the road, but he declared his ignorance, adding that there was an old man in another village who knew all the intricacies of the roads.
The Sultan then had the 'Alawi and his sons mounted on camels, and went with them to the village mentioned. He called the old man before him and inquired where the ford was. The old man said he had never seen any one cross the river excepting on one occasion when it was crossed by a body of men, but the place where they passed he could not tell. Had he
1 [See p. 170, supra,"]
[p. 193]: strength to walk, perhaps he might find it out. On this the Sultan ordered him to be placed on horseback, and the old man led them to a certain spot on the bank of the river, when he said, I think this was the place where the passage was made. The Sultan sent some men into the river, but nowhere did they find it fordable. The Sultan, casting, himself upon the protection of Providence, regardless of himself and fearless of the consequences, with the name of God upon his tongue, urged his horse into the stream. His whole army and all his attendants followed his example, and, with the assistance of God, crossed the water in safety. This was one of the many marvellous deeds of the Sultan, in which also the treachery of the infidels became evident to all men.
Destruction of Robbers by Sultan Mas'ud.
I. xiii. 47.When Sultan Mahmud sent costly presents to the ruler of Kirman, the ambassador who took them proceeded via Tabbas. In the desert of Khabis1 there was a body of Kafaj2 and Buluchis who robbed on the highway. They were eighty in number, and had built a stronghold upon an eminence, and had sunk a well. They had committed many robberies, but their conduct had never yet reached the ears of the Sultan. When the ambassador came to this place these people came out and carried off all the presents and rarities in his possession. Some of the men attached to the embassy were slain, but others who escaped returned to Tabbas, and there reported the circumstance to the Sultan, who was proceeding from Ghaznin to Khwdrizm by way of Bust. When he arrived at Bust, Sultan Mas'ud came from Hirat and met him. On his arrival, the Sultan would not look at him or give him his hand, but appeared evidently displeased with him. Mas'ud was greatly alarmed, and kissing the
1 [Khabís in Kirman. Variously -written in the MSS. as Habas, Hasar, Hasir, Habis, and Khabis.]
2 [So in Mr. Thomas' MS. The word representing Kafaj is illegible in Mr Prinsep's MS., and is omitted in Ratan Singh's.]
[p.194]: ground, he asked what fault he had committed? The Sultan replied, " How can I be pleased with you, and why should I look at you. You are my son, and yet robberies are committed under your nose without your knowing anything about them?" He replied, " Oh king, I was staying in Hirat, and if robberies are committed in the desert of Khabis, what fault is it of mine?" The king replied, " I care not what you say, but I will not look at you unless you bring all the thieves to me, either alive or dead." Sultan Mas'ud, after his interview with the Sultan, returned to Hirat, and there having chosen a party of two hundred men he started in search of the robbers, making continual enquiries about them. On approaching their fort, it occurred to him that they would probably have spies about, and that on hearing of the approach of so large a body of horse, they would take to flight. He therefore ordered fifty horsemen to fasten on their turbans, give their horses their heads, hide their arms under their saddles, so that no one could see them, and to ride forward and keep the enemy engaged until he should come up. He himself slowly followed with 150 horse. The robbers fought strenuously, seeing only a few horsemen before them, but suddenly the Sultan Mas'ud came up in the rear and captured them all. Not one of them escaped, forty were slain, and forty were sent prisoners to the Sultan. Large booty also was taken. The Sultan ordered them to be punished, and they were executed in a most ignominious way. The fame of his vigilance and justice thus spread far and wide.
Poisoning a Band of Robbers.
I. xiii. 48.A band of robbers had collected in the desert of Kirman, and whenever the king sent a force against them they saved themselves by flight. Sultan Mas'ud was informed of this when he was king in 'Irak, and after some consideration he hit upon a plan for getting rid of them. Some poison was taken out of the store-house, and a quantity of apples were brought from Isfahan.
[p. 195]: He then directed a trusty servant to make holes in the apples with a bodkin and to introduce the poison. When the apples were all poisoned, they were given in charge of a caravan that was passing through the desert. A party of the king's men was also sent with the caravan, and directed to lag behind when they approached the haunt of the robbers. The caravan would no doubt be attacked and taken, and the robbers would eat up the apples and all of them would die. The king's men were then to advance and liberate the caravan. This scheme was effectually carried out. The thieves, delighted with their prize, devoured the apples, and no one that ate thereof ever rose again. Sultan Mas'ud's men then came up, released the merchants, and restored them their goods without any loss. By this ingenious scheme1 the robbers were destroyed without giving any trouble to the soldiers. The wise may thus learn that stratagem will accomplish that which a thousand horsemen cannot effect.
Conquest of Ghor by Sultan Mas'ud.
An injured man came to Sultan Mas'ud and complained that as he was proceeding to Ghor, the chief of the country seized and forcibly took from him all his property. A letter was consequently written to the chief directing the restoration of the man's property. The man got the letter and took it to the chief of Ghor. The chief was vexed, and ordered him to be punished. The man returned to Ghaznin and complained once more against the Ghorians. The Sultan directed that another letter should be written in threatening terms, that if the chief did not in every way satisfy the man, he would march against him and humble his pride. The man said, " king, direct that the letter be written in as small a compass as possible, because I shall be forced to swallow it, and if there is but a small quantity of paper it will be the easier to get down." Sultan Mas'ud was extremely incensed at this, and on the same day pitched his
1 [" Hilah-i Latif," a clever or pleasant trick.].
[p. 196]: tents, and marched against Ghor. He took possession of the country, and chastised the chief, returning to the poor man more than had been taken from him. The Amir of Ghor was thus punished for his tyranny.
The Punishment of Tuman1
It is related in the Tarikh-i Nasiri that during the time Amir 'Abdu-r Rashid reigned at Ghaznin, he had a young slave named Tuman, a man of bad disposition, base and low minded, Abdu-r Rashid was, however, favourably disposed towards him, and conferred on him a high rank. The slave began to interfere in the affairs of government, and being a mean and worthless fellow he did all in his power to ruin and extirpate the nobles and great men. He showed favour to Abu Suhail Razihi, and they both joined cause and conspired against the great Khwaja, the minister of the throne, 'Abdu-r Razzak. He quarrelled with Ahmad Maimani and had him suspended and called to account. He elevated his own brother, called Mubarak Marde, to high rank, and at last entrusted him with several offices at Parshawar. He encouraged tale-bearers and back-biters, and these people obtained great influence at court. They gave false reports, representing that the assignments were in excess of the authorised amount, and this brought destruction upon the kingdom, for the government servants and the orphans were subjected to reductions in a manner which had not been resorted to by any one before.
Amongst the other slaves who were notorious for their wickedness and bad character, was one whose name was Khatib Lút. This man was exalted by him and made accountant of the state, an office which had been held by Khwaja Abu Tahir Husain with great credit and to the satisfaction of the government. When three months had elapsed after the Khwaja's appoint-
1 [I have not found this story in the MSS. that I have used. Ed.]
[p. 197]: ment, he was ordered to go to Hindustan, and after collecting the revenues of that country, to return to the capital.
Khwaja Abu Tahir proceeded to Hindustan, and in every place that he visited he found an agent of Tuman oppressing the people and exercising authority ; and thus great embarassment had arisen in the affairs of the state. The Khwaja reported all the circumstances to the Secretary of State, which office was then held by Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki. When numerous reports had been received from Husain, Sultan 'Abdu-r Rashid threatened Tuman with condign punishment. Tuman now became an enemy of Abu-1 Fazl, and secretly circulated false reports against him. The Sultan, without investigation, ordered Tuman to seize and imprison Abu-1 Fazl, and plunder his house and property.
When Abu-1 Fazl was removed, Tuman had an unbounded field for the exercise of his power. He conferred a khil'at of investiture on Khatib Lut, and sent him to Parshawar. This officer lighted the fire of oppression, and exalted the standard of bloodshed. He made all kinds of demands upon the people. When Khwaja Husain reached Parshawar to examine and report upon the affairs of that province, people complained to him against the Khatib. The Khwaja admonished him, but it was all in vain. The Khatib gave him disrespectful replies and uttered abusive words against him to his very face. Husain could not restrain his indignation, and ordered him to be taken away from his presence. The matter was reported to Tuman, who told 'Abdn-r Rashid that as Khatib Lut was aware that Husain had unlawfully exacted money from the people, the latter had thrown the Khatib into prison with the view that he might retain in safety the money which Husain had extorted.
When Tuman had made these representations, Amir 'Abdu-r Rashid ordered him to go and bring Husain a prisoner to the court. Tuman marched the same night to Parshdwar with three hundred thousand1 horse, and when he arrived there he showed
1 "Thousand" is omitted in the Zinatu-l majalis, which gives us the same anecdote.
[p. 198]: the royal mandate to the governor of the place. He seized Khwaja Husain, and took Khatib out of prison. He dishonoured and disgraced many good Musulmans, and then returned to the court.
Khwaja Husain was put in heavy chains, and when they had reached the pass at Búdrí some horsemen came and reported that Amir 'Abdu-r Rashid had himself been murdered, and that the ingrate Tughril had usurped the government. On receiving this intelligence, the soldiers, horse and foot, all came forward to Khwaja Husain and said unto him, " circumstances have now taken altogether a different turn : he who had triumphed has been vanquished, and now we are all ready to obey your command. What orders may you be pleased to address to us ?" The Khwaja replied, " Your first duty is to remove the chains from off my feet, and put them on those of Tuman." Upon this the soldiers seized Tuman, pulled him down with great ignominy, and put the chains on his feet. They placed the Khwaja on a horse, and Tuman, Khatib Lut, and his other slaves were seated on camels, and in this manner they took them to Ghaznin. God the most glorious and powerful thus punished Tuman for his wickedness. The moral of this story is to show the consequences of tale-bearing, and to teach that great and wealthy men should not encourage base characters, or take wicked men into their favour, and thus bring disgrace and shame upon themselves.
Anecdote of Sultan Ibrahim.
II. xxiv. 6.One day when Sultan Razi Ibrahim (God's mercy on him !) was in Ghaznin, he saw a labourer carrying a heavy stone on his head to some building which was then in course of erection, and that he staggered under the load. The Sultan, observing his suffering, ordered him to put down the stone. The labourer obeyed his orders, and after that time the stone remained on that identical spot. One day, some of the royal attendants represented to the
[p. 199]: king that the stone was still lying in the plain, that it frightened the horses and prevented them passing on quietly, and that it would be well if the king gave the order to have it removed. The king said, I have once ordered it to be placed where it is, and there would be an incongruity in my now ordering it to be removed. So the stone remained lying in the plain of Ghaznin, and in order to maintain the words of the Sultan, his sons also would not, any of them, suffer it to be taken away.i
Death of Malik Arslan.
I. v. 147.It is narrated that after the demise of Sultan Mas'ud bin Ibrahim, Malik Arslan, his son, mounted the throne, and determined to overthrow Sultan Bahram Shah. This prince fled from his brother, accompanied by only one of his attendants, and they took the precaution of having their horses shod backwards. He proceeded first to Sistan, from thence to Kirman, and. at last he threw himself on the protection of Sultan Sanjar, who, espousing his cause, marched to Ghaznin against Malik Arslan, and defeated him there, on Wednesday, the fourteenth of Shawwal, A.H. 511 (Feb. 1118, A.D.). Sultan Sanjar appointed Sultan Bahram Shah his deputy in Ghaznin and Hindustan, and having seated him on the throne, he himself went to Balkh. When Sultan Sanjar had returned, Malik Arslan again advanced to recover his kingdom, and Bahram Shah retired towards Balkh, from whence Sultan Sanjar sent out a force to meet him. He thereupon returned to Ghaznin. Malik Arslan fled before him, and being pursued, was captured in the Shakran2 hills, and despatched to the next world. The army then returned to Balkh.
1 [This story is told in the Akhlak-i Muhsini, but is there attributed to Mahmud.]
2 These are the hills spoken of in the account of Sultan Jalalu-d din's retreat to Hindustan. [The name is written " Safian" in Mr. Prinsep's MS.]
Muhammad Sam's Victory over Kola (Pithaura)1
[p. 200]: It is related that when the martyr Mu'izzu-d dunya wau-d din Muhammad Sam (May God illumine his tomb,) was about to fight the second time against Kola, between Hanjar2 and Tabarhindh, 3 it became known to him that (the enemy) kept their elephants drawn up in a separate array when preparing for action. The horses were afraid of them, and this was an element of disaster. When the opposing forces approached each other and the camp fires were visible on either side, the Sultan gave directions that every man should collect plenty of wood before his tent. At night he directed a party of soldiers to remain in the camp, and to keep fires burning all the night, so that the enemy might suppose it to be their camping ground. The Sultan then marched off in another direction with the main body of his army. The infidels saw the fires and felt assured of their adversaries being there encamped. The Sultan marched all night and got in the rear of Kola. At dawn he made his onslaught upon the camp followers4 and killed many men. When the rear pressed back on the main army Kola sought to retreat, but he could not get his forces in order, nor the elephants under control. The battle became general, the enemy was signally defeated, and Kola was taken prisoner. The Musulmans obtained a complete victory and the Sultan returned triumphant.
Equity of Muhammad Sam.
[I. vi. 37.]When the heroic Sultan Muhammad Sam, the honour of the world and of religion, who by his sword had darkened the pfos-
1 [The Taju-l Ma-asir and Tahakat-i Nasirl {infra) use the same term " Kola." The word signifies "bastard" in Persian, and Firishta ffo explains it. — Briggs. Ferishta I. 179.]
2 [The orthography is douhlful. In two MS. it is <arabic> Mr, Thomas' MS. has <arabic> hajiz.'\
3 [Mr. Thomas' MS. gives the name so distinctly. The other two MSS. are defective, and simply give <arabic> See note on the name in the Tabakat-i Nasiri, infra.]
4 [Buna, baggage.] [p. 201]: perity of the infidels, marched upon Nahrwala, he sustained a defeat, and returned without having effected his object. He then made preparations to retrieve his disasters and avenge his loss of fame and treasure. One of his well-wishers represented to him that in Nahrwala there resided a certain person, by name Wasa Abhir,1 who was one of the head men of the city. This man always sent consignments of his merchandize to his agents for sale, and at that time there was property belonging to him in Ghaznin, to the amount of ten lacs of rupees. It was suggested to the king, that were he to confiscate this money to his own use, he might by means of it be enabled to raise an army and replenish the exhausted treasury. The king wrote his answer on the back of the petition, to the effect that, if Nahrwala falls into my hands, then the appropriation of Wasa Abhis' wealth would be lawful, but to seize his property in Ghaznin would be contrary to the dictates of justice. So he did not touch the money ; and his virtue met its reward, for it happened that, two years afterwards, the most generous king, the staff of the world and supporter of religion (may the Almighty be merciful to him and pardon him !), marched at the head of his army from Dehli, and conquered the territory, and punished the people for their previous misconduct. So the whole world received proofs that the injury which the cause had once received was but as a black spot on the face of The Faith to guard it from the effects of an evil eye.
Preface. — Death of Nasiru-d din Kubacha
In the beginning of Rabi'u-l awwal, 625 h. (Jan. 1228), the king of kings, Shamsu-d dunya wau-d din sent an army to repress the inroads of Nasiru-d din Kubacha. Unable to oppose this force, Nasiru-d din sent his forces in boats to the fort of Bhakkar. The royal forces reached Bhakkar on the 10th, and under the directions of Nizamu-1 Mulk, made preparations for assaulting the fort. The attack was made on the 1st Jumada-l awwal, and
1 [" Rusa Aima" in one MS,, " Asad Abhir," in another.]
[p.202]: was so successful that Nasiru-d din was driven from the fortifications (Hisar) and compelled to take refuge in the inner fort {kil'ah) without the assailants losing a single man. A proclama of amnesty to all Musulmans was then issued, which was joyfully accepted. Nasiru-d din, with his few remaining adherents offered to capitulate, on condition of being allowed to send away his sons and his treasure, but was told that he must hasten to make an unconditional surrender. He had no faith in his conqueror, and preferred death to submission ; so on the night of Thursday, the 19th Jumada-1 Akhir he went to the bank of the river and cast himself into the water. The good fortune of Nizamu-1 Mulk thus gained a complete victory.
A Rare Animal
Abu Rihan1 mentions in his writings that within the boundaries of Hindustan, to the east of the Ganges, in the forests of Oudh, there exists an animal called Sharu. It is larger than a rhinoceros,1 and has two long horns and a small trunk. On the back it has four protuberances resembling four feet. It is so powerful that it will attack an elephant and tear him asunder. No animal has strength enough to contend against it, nor does man venture to hunt it, in fact nothing has power over it except death. Besides natural death, one cause of its destruction is that it often takes up an animal on its horns and tosses it in the air. The flesh adhering to the horns creates worms, which falling on its back, eat into the flesh till it becomes very sore ; they then attack its stomach and destroy it. Or, if there be a
1 [Sir H. Elliot omitted this passage from the version given by Rashidii-d din (Vol. i, p. 61). Reinaud's translation says the animal is to be found in the Konkan (Fragments, p. 109), and Rashidu-d din confirms this (Lucknow MS.). The page is introduced in speaking of the Konkan, so that there can be little doubt of the Konkan being there intended. In the passage before us, the locality is distinctly given as " east of the Ganges," and the name of it is no doubt Oudh, though Mr. Prinsep's MS. gives only " Ou." Konkan and Ganges (Gang) present only a difierence of one letter in the original characters.]
2 [The word in the text may be read karg, " rhinoceros," or garg, " wolf."]
[p. 203]: high mountain near, when it thunders, it will rush as if to attack (some unseen foe) and falling from the mountain destroy itself. People go out to pick up its horns. Its specific peculiarities (khdssiyat) are not known.
A Description of the Rukh.
IV. xxiii. 6.This animal resembles a camel. It has two protuberances on the back and it generally has teeth, the limbs and organs of the body are venomous, and no other animal can escape it. Its spittle, dung, etc., are all deadly poison. Whatever meets its eye becomes its prey, for it runs as swift as the wind, and overtakes all creatures. It kills every animal that it may encounter. If anyone takes refuge from it in the top of a high tree which it cannot get up, it stands at the foot, and curling its tail into a sort of ladle, it tosses its water up — this in a very few moments brings its victim down. If any one to avoid it gets into a well, it will stand at the brink and cast its dung and urine down, and if one drop of this falls upon a man he will die.