Raja Devendra Singh
- 1 His Ancestors
- 2 Raja Devendra Singh
- 3 The installation of Raja Devindar Singh
- 4 His early training and character
- 5 Ill feelings between Nabha and states of Pattiala and Jhind
- 6 The war of 1845 and conduct of Raja of Nabha
- 7 The intrigues with Lahore
- 8 The visit of General Ram Singh to Nabha
- 9 The hostile conduct of the Raja during the campaign
- 10 Portion of Nabha territory confiscated
- 11 The orders of Major Broadfoot disregarded
- 12 The Raja of Nabha excluded from Durbar
- 13 Raja Devindar Singh deposed and one quarter of territory of Nabha confiscated
- 14 The ex-Raja retires to Mathra
- 15 Death of Raja Devindar Singh, AD 1865
- 16 The arrangements for carrying out the Administration at Nabha
- 17 The case of village Bhai Rupa
- 18 Raja Bharpur Singh
- 19 राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह
- 20 References
Tiloka had two sons namely, 1. Gurudutta 2. Sukh Chain. Sukh Chain's descendants ruled over Jind state. Gurudatta's descendants ruled over Nabha state. Gurudatta's only son was Surat Singh. Surat Singh died in 1742 prior to Gurudatta, who passed away in 1744.
Surat Singh had two sons 1. Hamir Singh (1755-1783 ) and 2. Kapur Singh.
Raja Devendra Singh
Raja Devendra Singh was 3rd Raja of Nabha 1840/1846 (deposed), born 5th September 1822, he ascended the gadi on 5th October 1840, he sympathized with the Sikhs during the first Anglo-Sikh war and as a result lost a quarter of his possessions, he was deposed and exiled to Mathura, he was granted a pension of Rs 50,000/- and later moved to Lahore on 8th December 1855, where he died 10 years later, married 1stly, Rani Mann Kaur, daughter of Sardar Wazir Singh of Rangar Nangalia, married 2ndly, Rani Lilavati, daughter of Thakur Ishwari Singh Katoch of Kangra, Wazir of Nabha, married 3rdly, Rani Chetenwali, and had issue, two sons. He died in November 1865 at Lahore. 
The installation of Raja Devindar Singh
Lepel H. Griffin writes: Devindar Singh was formally installed as Raja on the 5th of October 1840, the Agent of the Governor General being present. This was the first installation that had taken place in Nabha since the English connection with the States, and the Khillat conferred on the occasion was similar to that given to Raja Fatah Singh of Jhind in 1822, consisting of an elephant with jhul or trappings, a horse with a silver saddle, a Khillat of seven pieces, 3 rugums, and a sword and shield.§
* Captain Birch to Raja of Nabha, 20th July 1819.
† Captain Murray to Raja of Nabha, 6th November 1838.
§ Sir O. Clerk to Secretary to Government North Western Provinces 17th September 1840, and to Secretary to Government of India, 28th September 1840.
His early training and character
The new Raja's character, the training he had received, and the circumstances of his succession did not promise a wise or successful administration. It was only after he had quarraled with Prince Ranjit Singh that Raja Jaswant Singh married the wife who gave birth to Devindar Singh. As this child grew up, the Raja's hatred for his elder son grew more intense, and his determination to disinherit him and leave the State to his younger and favorite son more confirmed.
This resolution was notorious, and in the dispute between father and son, the neighbouring Chiefs were involved, some taking one side and some the other. Devindar Singh was ten years old when his brother died, and from that time was the recognized heir to the throne. He had thus, from his earliest years, been surrounded by flatterers and parasites who desired to please his father, and, in order to accumulate every pretext for disinheriting Ranjit Singh, the greatest pains were taken with the education of his younger brother. When Devindar Singh became, when still a boy, the reigning Prince, his Brahman tutors, as was natural enough, retained their influence ; and filled his mind with an exaggerated estimate of his power, dignity and importance, till a character, which would otherwise have been distinguished for weakness alone, became repulsive from its arrogance and vanity, while the old feud which had for long existed between the rival houses of Pattiala and Jhind was revived with far greater bitterness than ever.
Ill feelings between Nabha and states of Pattiala and Jhind
It has been before explained that Nabha was the eldest branch of the Phulkian family and held the hereditary title of Chaudhri, which had possessed a real meaning when the Chiefs were subjects of the Dehli Emperors. The title of Maharaja granted to the Pattiala Chief had always excited the greatest jealousy on the part of the Raja of Nabha, who was most anxious to obtain the same honor for himself. With Pattiala he had always been at feud, and the Raja of Jhind had generally taken the Pattiala side of the dispute and was in consequence equally obnoxious to Nabha.
The Special cause of quarrel:
But there was another and more recent cause for the bad feeling between these Chiefs. When Raja Sangat Singh of Jhind died without male issue, the principal claimants for the throne were Sirdar Sarup Singh of Bazidpur and his cousin Sirdar Sukhan Singh of Badrukhan, two distant collaterals. The State might justly have been resumed by the British Government as an escheat — collateral succession to Chiefships not being then admitted — but it was determined to make it over to one of the claimants. The discussion as to their respective rights was of long duration ; and the Nabha and Pattiala Chiefs naturally supported the one who bid highest for their influence. Pattiala demanded dependence on herself rather than on Nabha ; and the latter demanded the cession of the district of Sangrur, which had been treacherously conquered from Nabha by Raja Gajpat Singh in 1774. Sarup Singh is asserted to have signed a bond agreeing to surrender this district, if his claim were admitted, but, after obtaining an acknowledgment of his claims from Government, he refused to
fulfil his promise. Neither party cared to bring such a case before the British authorities, but the existence of the bond was a matter of notoriety, and it was moreover believed that Raja Sarup Singh attempted to destroy it when it was put into his hands at Nabha for perusal. *
The etiquette of Raja’s Court:
The only revenge Raja Devindar Singh was able to take for this breach of faith Was to deny the Jhind Raja any title of honor, pretending to consider him as of inferior birth, being only related collaterally to the late Rajas, and styling him simply Sarup Singh. The Maharaja of Pattiala he would only style Raja ; and he introduced into his Court a rigid and painful etiquette abolishing many customs supposed to be of Muhammadan origin. Devindar Singh was a bigoted Sikh, and was always surrounded with Brahmans, who, after the fashion of their order, flattered the weak-minded prince for their own interest Sanscrit Slokas were recited every evening before him, and the opportunity was taken to exalt his dignity and depreciate that of his neighbours ; while the power of the English was asserted to be on the wane and the day approaching when they would retire from Northern India and Nabha assume the foremost place which was justly her due.
But these open manifestations of disaffection did not show themselves immediately after the Raja's accession. He was then anxious to obtain the title of Maharaja, and endeavoured to win the esteem of the British Government by making large remissions of
* Major Broadfoot to Secretary to Government of India, dated 26th April 1845.
revenue. He also, finding the Agent of the Governor General took an interest in native education, proposed to establish a College in which English, Sanskrit, and Hindi should be taught, but this laudable intention was not carried out.
The war of 1845 and conduct of Raja of Nabha
The autumn of 1845 saw preparations for war between the British and the Lahore Government in progress, and there was soon little doubt with which side the sympathies of the Raja of Nabha were engaged. The vanity and arrogance of this Chief had increased to such a degree, that the plea of imbecility, which was urged in his favor after the conclusion of the war, was not an extravagant one. The etiquette of his Court became more and more rigid ; from his courtiers he required prostrations and the most abject servility in speech and manner ; he
* Agent Governor General to Secretary to Government of India, 30th July 1844.
Ante p. 384
desired to omit all titles due to British Officers, even to the Agent of the Governor General, and his pride would not allow him to meet the Lieutenant Governor of the North Western Provinces beyond his own territories. His subjects had now begun to suffer from his exactions. His father had, on his death bed, commanded him to remits in perpetuity, one-fourth of the taxes levied, which were far heavier than those levied in British territory, although Jaswant Singh had not been an oppressive ruler. This order Devindar Singh obeyed in the letter, but disregarded in the spirit, for he increased the fines, presents and collections, to an amount which more than made up the deficiency in direct taxation.
The intrigues with Lahore
That Raja Devindar Singh was engaged in intrigues with Lahore, for some time before the Satlej war, there is every reason to believe ; although direct and satisfactory proofs of a treasonable correspondence were not found. One reason for this failure of evidence was the death of Major Broadfoot, the Governor General's Agent, at Firushahr, and the loss of a large number of his papers ; and, secondly, that such communications as were carried on were not usually trusted to writing.
The visit of General Ram Singh to Nabha
General Ram Singh of the Lahore army, a man notoriously hostile to the English, visited Nabha when the war was in contemplation, and is believed to have had many private interviews with the Raja. The opinion of Major Broadfoot may be seen from a confidential letter to the Nabha Agent of the 15 th of December, in which he wrote as follows : —
- " In consequence of the receipt of intelligence between the
“Raja and General Ram Singh, sent by Jowahir Singh,* and in consequence of other acts unbecoming his position as a ruler, they had before been desired to remonstrate with and restrain the Raja."
The hostile conduct of the Raja during the campaign
But when the conduct of the Raja during the the most critical part of the campaign is considered, it will appear superfluous to look for treasonable correspondence. All the requisitions for supplies, carriage and information, which were issued to the Nabha Chiefs, are extant, and from them it appears that the first orders and demands of British Agents were treated with silent contempt. On the 3rd, 8th, and 10th of December 1845, stringent orders were issued to the Nabha Agents to provide supplies on the road from Kalka to Khanna, and to make a road from Latalla to Basia. No attention was paid to these directions, and the most serious inconvenience was caused to the troops.
Portion of Nabha territory confiscated
For this neglect, the estates of Dehraru and Amloh were confiscated on the 13th of December 1845, and two days later Major Broadfoot addressed to the Nabha Agents the letter above referred to, and which concluded thus —
" at this urgent juncture, much trouble and inconvenience have been caused by the Raja's neglect to provide supplies which have only been procurable by force ; he, therefore now, in writing, repeats what he had in the morning verbally expressed to them, that unless the Raja of Nabha come into the British camp on that or the follow-
* Jowahir Singh was at this time Wazir, or Prince Minister, at Lahore.
“ ing evening he will be considered an enemy to the British ; further that Kanha Mal ( the Raja's agent ) who had been sent on, in advance, to collect supplies and had failed, remain in attendance, under surveillance, and in charge of the supply department ; that the Thannadar who had behaved with disrespect to the Assistant ( Mr. Cust ), and who deserves severe punishment, remain in confinement ; and that Mulvi Zahur-ul-Hak ( another agent of the Raja's ) remain in attendance and be treated with the usual respect ; that in punishment of the present offence, Latalla, with its dependencies, be confiscated, and, to this end, the Rai of Kotla and Rahmut Ali Khan are ordered to take possession, who will be paid from the revenues of the district.”
The orders of Major Broadfoot disregarded
That these stringent orders were not unnecessary is proved by the inattention paid to them. The Raja did not come into the British camp, but remained at Nabha under the pretence of collecting supplies ; and, the death of the Maharaja of Pattiala occurring a few days afterwards, he took the opportunity to visit Pattiala. After the death of Major Broadfoot the disinclination of the Raja to join the British camp did not abate. Major F. Mackeson, Commissioner of the Cis-Satlej territories, wrote, on the 5th of January, by direction of the Secretary to Government, to the Raja, reminding him of Major Broadfoot's letter of the 15th December, and begging him to come to Firozpur, where he might explain his failure to attend when first summoned.
Apologies to the Governor General:
To this letter no answer was returned, but, on 12th January, two letters were received by the Secretary to Government and the Governor General, purporting to have been written on the 29th December. The former was in some sort an answer to Major Broadfoot's letter, declaring the loyalty of the Raja, expatiating on the services rendered by the Nabha State, and attempting to explain his connection with General Ram Singh. During the operations of Sir H. Smith's column south of the Satlej, the Raja once sent his officials to Major Mackeson with unmeaning messages, but, not until the 13th of February, three days after the battle of Subraon, did he leave Nabha, in compliance with a special request of Major Mackeson, and proceed to Ludhiana.
No supplies were provided until the British Amy was victorious:
The conduct of the Nabha authorities, with regard to carriage and supplies, was dilatory and suspicious in the extreme. At the time when they were most needed, nothing whatever was provided, though after the battles of Mudki and Firushahr, supplies were sent in abundance ; and after the final victory of Subraon the whole resources of the Nabha State were placed at the disposal of the Government. Previous to the battle of Firushahr and Mudki, only 32 camels and 681 maunds of grain were furnished; while 21,807 maunds and 864 camels were supplied after these actions, though the resources of the State were such that, in the opinion of Sir Henry Lawrence, * it could have furnished early in January all that was supplied eventually, and at least half before the two first battles.
* Report on the Raja’s conduct to Government of India, 18th September 1846.
The Raja of Nabha excluded from Durbar
At the close of the war the Raja was not permitted, with the other Protected Chiefs, to attend the Durbar of the
Governor General at Ludhiana, and an investigation was directed to be made into his conduct, the result of which confirmed, in every particular, the account which has here been given. A long and elaborate defence was submitted by the Raja, some points of which must be briefly noticed.
The defence of the Raja of Nabha:
He first endeavoured to prove that Major Broad-foot's order, summoning him to the British camp was illegal, as he was not compelled to visit the Governor General's Agent beyond his own territory. But, in time of war, all ceremony must be waived — those who do not act with the zeal of friends, must be considered enemies ; and, after the battle of Subraon, the Raja made no difficulty about proceeding to Ludhiana at the direction of Major Mackeson.
The services rendered in former years by the Nabha State were then recounted : it was alleged that, during the Satlej campaign, Sirdar Ganda Singh, a Nabha Chief, was placed at Major Broad-foot's disposal, and supplied him with much valuable information, while his son, Lal Singh, was sent to Lahore on the same service. Sir H. Lawrence, however, who succeeded to the Agency, after Major Broadfoot's death, at Firushahr, could find no evidence of any such information having been given ; nor did Ganda Singh or Lal Singh ever furnish him with a single item of intelligence that was worth anything, although the latter passed through the Sikh camp at Subraon a week before the battle.
The deputation of General Ram Singh to Nabha was explained as being a visit to his native country, where he desired to fix his home, being disgusted with the Lahore service ; that he only paid one complimentary visit to the Raja, presenting his nazr and returning at once to Lahore.*
Supplies had been collected:
Supplies, it was asserted, had been collected as speedily as possible, and the Nabha contingent placed entirely at the service of the English, so that the Raja was compelled to raise fresh troops to provide for the protection of his territory. It is indeed true that a contingent of Nabha troops was present at Mudki and Firushahr, but not a man fought on the side of the English in those or the subsequent actions.
The excuse for disregarding the direction of Broadfoot to join the camp, was that the Raja, on his way to the army head quarters, had reached Malerkotla, when he heard of the death of Major Broadfoot. That he then returned to Nabha, and the death of the Maharaja of Pattiala happening at the
* The character of General Ram Singh Jallawalia was well known. He was high in favor at Lahore, and whatever his visit to Nabha may have signified, he certainly crossed the Satlej with the object of sounding the Protected Chiefs, and discovering how far Lahore might count on their assistance. The information which induced Major Broadfoot to issue the order to the Nabha Chief to attend his camp, was given by a native of position, who had considerable opportunities of knowing the truth, and was, true or false, in considerable detail. He stated that Jowahar Singh of Lahore sent General Ram Singh to Raja Devindar Singh, and that they were closeted together for several hours. Afterwards Munshi Sabih Singh was admitted, and the following plan of operations agreed upon:— They estimated that Nabha, Ladwa, and other disaffected Chiefs in the Cis-Satlej States, could raise 60,000 fighting men who were to be employed, while the Sikh army was engaged with the British, in intercepting the communications of the latter, plundering baggage, and cutting off their supplies. All this having been arranged. General Ram Singh returned to Lahore. This story was very possibly true, but the decision against the Raja was not influenced by it, but by his own acts and omissions only.
The truth, however, appeared to be that only the Road which led to the British camp was, to the Raja, unsafe.
The danger was purely imaginary, the road being covered with hackeries and unarmed camp-followers, and the Raja would have had with him a force amply sufficient to protect him had any danger existed. A mere comparison of dates will be sufficient to show the unwillingness of the Raja to attend the summons to the British camp. Major Broadfoot's order was given on the 15th of December, and might easily have been complied with in forty-eight hours. The Maharaja of Pattiala died on the 23rd of December, and it was only necessary, for compliance with Sikh etiquette, that the Raja should attend any time within seventeen days from the death, to pay a visit of condolence to the family, and this too was a mere matter of ceremony, immaterial in comparison with the necessity of proving his devotion and loyalty to the Government. It was moreover necessary for him to be present at the cremation. As Pattiala is only eighteen miles from Nabha, one day was amply sufficient for this visit. But the Raja went three times to Pattiala, remaining there seventeen days : from the 24th to the 27th of December ; from the 4th to the 17th of January ; and from the 16th to the 24th of January, plainly proving that his object was merely to manufacture an excuse to absent himself from the British camp, which, even after this, he never visited at all.
After a consideration of the evidence against the Raja and the explanation urged in his defence, no reasonable doubt can be entertained he had intrigued with the Court of Lahore previous to the war ; that he was thoroughly disaffected, though too timid to actually join the enemy as the Raja of Ladwa had done ; that he made no effort to supply carriage or food for the troops ; that he disregarded the most direct orders to attend the army in person ; that he waited till the very last, after the battles of Firushahr, Mudki and Aliwal, in the hope that the last battle on the Satlej would be a defeat for the English, in which case he would, without hesitation, have declared against them.*
Raja Devindar Singh deposed and one quarter of territory of Nabha confiscated
The Government of India came to the same conclusion with regard to the conduct of the Raja of Nabha as the officer who had investigated the case.
Raja Devindar Singh was ordered to be deposed, and his eldest son, then a boy of seven, to be placed on the throne, under the guardianship of his step grand-mother, Rani Chand Kour, aided by three of the most respectable officers of the Nabha State. These four persons were to be responsible to the British Government for the educa-
* The correspondence regarding the conduct of the Raja of Nabha daring the war is very voluminous. The documents on which this account is founded are chiefly — the defence of the Raja prepared by his Diwan, Kahn Chand, and submitted to the Agent Governor General 31 St April 1846. The original letters, parwanas, and kharitas sent to the Raja and his agents by Mr. Currie, Mr. R. Gust, Major Broadfoot, Major Mackeson, and Major Lawrence, with the replies, and abstract of supplies furnished, the report of Mr. B. Gust to the Superintendent Cis Satlej States, dated March 7th 1846, the reports of Major Mackeson, C. B., to Agent Governor General dated 17th and 27th July, the report of Captain Mills, Assistant Agent to Governor General to Major Mackeson, dated 1st February 1846, and the final report and recommendation of Major H. Lawrence, dated 18th September 1846.
tion and safety of the young Raja ; all transit duties, estimated at Rs. 12,200 per annum, the customs of the town of Nabha, amounting to Rs. 4,500, excluded, were abolished. One-fourth of the Nabha territory, the districts of Pakowal, Dehraru, and Rori, less a portion worth Rs. 12,200, was confiscated, and territory valued at Rs. 28,766 a year, was to be retained by the British Government in lieu of a contingent of 100 horse and 133 foot. The remainder, being lands worth Rs. 71,224, was to be divided equally between the Maharaja of Pattiala and the Raja of Faridkot, in reward for services performed during the war. A pension of Rs. 50, 000 was allowed to Raja Devindar Singh for life from the revenues of Nabha, on condition of his residing peacefully at any British station south of Dehli or Mehrut.*
The ex-Raja retires to Mathra
The Ex-Raja selected Mathra for his residence, where he remained till 1854. But his misfortunes had taught him nothing, even supposing him intellectually capable of profiting by any experience whatever. He gave as much trouble as he could, not only to the English authorities, but to his own family at Nabha, to which he bore an unnatural hatred. Notwithstanding his splendid allowance, he fell deeply into debt, and was supposed to sign bonds in the hope that the Nabha Government would be compelled to pay. At Mathra there were many unscrupulous persons who encouraged him in this reckless course, advancing money at exorbitant rates of interest on such security.
* Secretary to Government of India to Agent Governor General, No. 459, dated 17th November 1846, and Agent Governor General to Secretary to Government 18th September 1846.
His conduct there and his removal to Lahore:
His behaviour, at length, became so outrageous, that the authorities of the North Western Provinces considered that he should be either placed under restraint or removed to some other locality where a more complete watch could be maintained over him, and the Supreme Government, in January 1855, sanctioned his removal to any place not in the neighbourhood of Nabha, where the Magistrate would be able to control, in some measure, his extravagances.*
Thanesar had been suggested as the new residence of Devindar Singh, but the Government considered this place unsuitable, as it was not more than 60 miles from Nabha, whither the Ex-Raja Might, without difficulty, find his way, and where his appearance would be the signal for disturbance. Even should be fail in exciting disorder, he would probably be able to form a party at Nabha and carry on intrigues dangerous to the administration of the State. Jalandhar or Hoshiarpur were then suggested for his residence, but it was finally determined to remove him to Lahore, where he arrived on the 8th December 1855, the palace of Maharaja Kharrak Singh being assigned to him.†
* Commissioner Cis-Satlaj States to Government Punjab, Nos. 231 and 281 dated 9th October and 2nd December 1854. Commissioner Agra to Commissioner Ambala, No. 724, dated 6th November, with enclosures. Government Punjab to Government of India, No. 1061 dated 13th December 1854. Government of India to Government Punjab, No. 440 dated 26th January 1855.
† Government North Western Provinces No. 298 dated 28th March with enclosures, to Government Punjab. Commissioner Cis-Satlej States to Government Punjab, No. 195 dated 28th August Government Punjab to Government of India No. 206 dated 10th March. Government of India to Government Punjab 1450, dated 20th April 1855. Commissioner Lahore, No. 66 dated 25th April 1857, to Government Punjab.
Death of Raja Devindar Singh, AD 1865
Raja Devindar Singh died at Lahore in November 1865. He had married four wives:
- first, the daughter of Raja Ram Singh of Balabgarh ; then Man Kour,
- the daughter of Sirdar Wazir Singh of Rangar-Nangal in the Amritsar district;
- his third wife was the daughter of Sirdar Gulab Singh Mansaia, and,
- the fourth, daughter of Sirdar Kharrak Singh Dhallon.
The arrangements for carrying out the Administration at Nabha
Major Mackeson, Commissioner of the Cis-Satlej States, visited Nabha in January 1847, to install the new Chief, Bharpur Singh, then an intelligent boy, seven years of age. His step-grandmother, Rani Chand Kour, the surviving widow of Raja Jaswant Singh and a lady of great ability, was appointed his guardian, and three of the oldest servants of the Nabha State, Sirdar Gurbaksh Singh, Fatah Singh, and Behali Mal, were selected to form the Council of Rogeucy.*
Sirdar Gurbaksh Singh the Council of Regency:
Gurbaksh Singh, who was appointed to the duty of superintending the education of the young Prince, had been in the service of Raja Devindar Singh, but, previous to the war, had been banished to Thanesar by his eccentric master. He was in exile when Colonel Mackeson called him to Nabha to assume the presidency of the Council.
* Agent Governor General to Government of India, No. 184, dated 18th September 1846, and No. 210, dated 17th December 1846, to Major Mackeson.
Munshi Sahib Singh:
Munshi Sahib Singh had been the minister of Raja Devindar Singh at the time of the Cis-Satlej war, and is understood to have advised the Chief to evade compliance with the demands of the British authorities, and wait the progress of events before declaring to which side he would adhere. Major Mackeson excluded him from all interference with the administration of the Nabha State;
but he was a favorite with Rani Chand Kour, and in a few years recovered much of his influence in Nabha and labored to overthrow his rival Sirdar Gurbaksh Singh. In this attempt, through the haste of the Prime Minister to get rich, he entirely succeeded, and, on complaints being preferred against Gurbaksh Singh in 1857, an investigation was directed by the Chief Commissioner, the result of which was that the Minister was proved to have abused his position to enrich himself, and to have filled all offices of importance with members of his own family. He was dismissed from office, his jagirs were resumed, and both he and his family were prohibited from re-employment in the Nabha State.
Munshi Sahib Singh, then, without any special authorization from Government, succeeded the exiled Minister as President of the Council.*
The case of village Bhai Rupa
It will be remembered that this
* Government Punjab to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States No. 293 dated 28th March, Nos. 412 and 427 dated 27th April and 1st May 1857. Commissioner Cis-Satlej States No. 88, dated 17th April 1857.
village was held in shares by the Chiefs of Pattiala, Nabha, Jhind, Bhadour and Malod and afforded a fair presumption that these families were originally independent of each other.* It is by no means easy to determine the early history of the village, but there is no doubt that the site was first selected by Bhai Rup Chand, the guru, or spiritual adviser, of Tilokha and Rama, the sons of Phul, and that he obtained their permission to found a village. He died, however, before carrying out his project, and some time later, his grandson, Bhai Dhanna Singh, built the village on the selected spot, calling it Bhai Rupa after the name of the Guru.
The land occupied by the village was taken from the adjacent lands of Phul and Kangar, that taken from the former being allowed to the Bhaikians or descendants of Bhai Rupa, rent free, they making their collections from the zamindars without interference from the Phul Chaudhris. In the Kangar division of the village, the Bhaikians had a smaller share, but, after the death of Rai Bakhtyar, who managed the collections of this patti or share, the Bhaikians obtained more land, for which they paid a small acknowledgment to the Miani Jats, owners of Kangar. Subsequently the village of Kangar came into the possession of Nabha, the tribute to the Mianis ceased to be paid, and, in 1805, the Raja of Nabha took the administration of the Kangar patti of Bhai Rupa into his own hands. After the death of Tilokha and Rama, the Phulkian patti was held in equal shares by Gurditta, Sukhchen, Ala Singh, Man Singh, and Chuhr Singh, the ancestors of the houses of Nabha, Jhind, Pattiala, Malod and Bhadour. The Police management
* Ante p. 389.
remained with Nabha, as Bhai Rupa was adjacent to that State. This arrangement was for mutual convenience, and although, in 1841, the other sharers denied the right, Nabha had always exercised Police control. This village and the rights therein belonging to the several Chiefs was a fruitful cause of dispute, and gave the greatest trouble to the Political Officers. Each State considered it a point of honor to maintain its position in the village, supporting its claims by any means, however unscrupulous, and it was not till 1851, that the disputes were finally adjusted and the boundaries fixed. *
The mutiny of 1857:
Raja Bharpur Singh attained his majority a few months after the breaking out of the mutiny of 1857, At this critical time he acted with the utmost loyalty and intelligence, and his services were as distinguished as those of the other Phulkian Chiefs.
The conduct and services of Raja Bharpur Singh:
At the commencement of the mutiny the the Raja was directed to hold himself in readiness for service, and, on the 17th of May, was placed in charge of the important station of Ludhiana, which he occupied with 350 horse, 450 foot, and 2 guns, remaining there for six months, and, during his occasional absences, leaving his brother in command. He furnished an escort of 300 men for the siege train ordered from Philor to accompany the Commander-in-Chief to Dehli. The Nusseri battalion had been appointed for this duty, but they refused to march, and Nabha troops were alone available for
* Voluminous vernacular records of 1834, 1841, 1844. W. Wjnyard, Esq., to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, No. 420, dated 9th September 1848, enclosing report of R. U. Greathed, Esq., of the 6th September. H. Davidson, Esq..Settlement Officer, to Commissioner Cis-Satlej States, No. 344, dated 7th November 1851.
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज लिखते हैं - 5 अक्टूबर सन् 1840 को देवेन्द्रसिंह गद्दी पर बैठे। इस उत्सव पर अम्बाला एजेण्ट गवर्नर भी उपस्थित थे। इस मौके पर सरकार की ओर से राजा साहब को खिलअत प्रदान की गई थी। क्योंकि देवेन्द्रसिंह रणजीतसिंह की मृत्यु के बाद से ही रियासत का मालिक समझ लिया गया था, इसलिए इसका लालन-पालन बड़े चाव से हुआ था। परन्तु यह खुशामदी और चापलूसों की सुहबत से भी न बच पाया था।
यह पहले लिखा जा चुका है कि नाभा के राजा अपने को चौधरी फूल के बड़े बेटे के वंशज होने से सबसे बड़ा समझते थे और जब पटियाले के राजा को महाराज
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-502
का खिताब मिला तो यह उसका अधिकारी अपने को ही मानते थे। इसलिए पटियाला और नाभा का मनमुटाव बना रहा और जींद से भी जब राजा गजपतसिंह निःसन्तान मर गये तो एक बखेड़ा खड़ा हो गया अर्थात् राजा साहब पटियाला और नाभा भी अपना-अपना हक पेश करते थे! परन्तु पटियाला की तो सिर्फ यही इच्छा थी कि नया अधिकारी हमारी अधिक ताबेदारी किया करे और रियासत नाभा की यह इच्छा थी कि इलाका संगरूर जो राजा गजपतसिंह ने सन् 1774 में धोखे से ले लिया था, वापस मिल जाये। कहते हैं कि सरूपसिंह ने इस शर्त पर कि मेरा अधिकार हो जाने पर इलाका संगरूर दे दूंगा, एक सनद भी लिख दी। लेकिन जब सरकार ने उसका पक्ष समर्थन किया तो वह उससे मुकर गया।
राजा साहब इसका प्रत्यक्ष विरोध तो न कर सके, पर उन्होंने अपने दरबार में सरूपसिंह को जींद के राजा हो जाने पर भी उनको सरूपसिंह कहकर पुकारते और महाराजा पटियाला को भी सिर्फ राजा पटियाला कहते थे। उन्होंने अपने यहां 'आदाब' के स्थान पर 'दण्डवत्' शब्द का प्रयोग कराया। कहते हैं उनके यहां संस्कृत के पंण्डितों की भरमार रहती थी और वे नित्य सायंकाल उनके पास उपस्थित होकर, अतिशयोक्तियों से भरे संस्कृत के श्लोक सुनते थे।
लाहौर की सल्तनत से भी राजा साहब का मन फिर गया था और इसका कारण गांव का एक झगड़ा था। बात यह थी कि महाराजा रणजीतसिंह ने यह गांव एक सरदार धन्नासिंह को राजा जसवन्तसिंह से दबाव से दिलवा दिया था। चूंकि महाराजा रणजीतसिंह जिस पर प्रसन्न हो जाते, उसे जागीर देने में बिल्कुल न हिचकते थे और धन्नासिंह ने मोड़ान गांव जो नाभा स्टेट में था, के लिए प्रार्थना की थी। बस, महाराजा साहब ने राजा जसवन्तसिंह को इसकी सूचना भेज दी। राजा जसवन्तसिंह की यह इच्छा न थी कि मोड़ान धन्नासिंह को दिया जाये, पर उस समय किसी दूसरे रईस में इतनी ताकत न थी कि रणजीतसिंह का विरोध कर सके। पर जब धन्नासिंह की मृत्यु सन् 1843 में हो गई और लाहौर का रौब भी महाराजा रणजीतसिंह के मर जाने से उतना न रहा तो राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह ने उसके बेटे हुक्मसिंह को कहला भेजा कि इस गांव से अपना कब्जा उठा लो, पर हुक्मसिंह ने ऐसा करने से साफ इनकार कर दिया। देवेन्द्रसिंह ने फिर इस सम्बन्ध में न तो उससे पूछा और न सल्तनत लाहौर से और सन् 1843 के अगस्त में एक फौज
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-503
रवाना कर दी। फौज ने पहुंचते ही अग्नि-वर्षा कर किले पर अधिकार कर लिया।
इस घटना की खबर जब लाहौर पहुंची तो लाहौर का शासक शेरसिंह अत्यन्त नाराज हुआ और इसके लिए उसने अंग्रेजी गवर्नमेण्ट को लिखा। पर सरकार इसका उत्तर दे भी न पाई थी कि शेरसिंह मारा गया। इस तरह यह मामला कुछ दिन के लिए तो शान्त हो गया, पर सन् 1844 में यह फिर उठा और दिलीपसिंह ने अंग्रेजी सरकार को एक पत्र लिखा। उसमें लिखा था कि मोड़ान पर राज्य लाहौर का हक है और राजा साहब नाभा का कोई हक नहीं है। मोड़ान पर चढ़ाई व कब्जा से राजा नाभा ने बहुत नुकसान पहुंचाया है। इसलिए उनसे जो हानि हुई है, वह दिलाई जाये और जिन शख्सों की ओर से ज्यादती हुई हैं, उन्हें उचित दण्ड दिया जाये।
अंग्रेजी सरकार ने इसकी तहकीकात की और 'बन्दरबाट' न्याय से अपने राज्य में मिला लिया। इस फैसले से महाराजा दिलीपसिंह को बहुत अफसोस हुआ और वह सरकार के इस फैसले को एक चाल समझने लगे। लाहौर के सिख सरदारों में तहलका मच गया कि सरकार ने खालसा से हुई सन्धि को भंग किया है। इस प्रकार अंग्रेजों से सरकार लाहौर के युद्ध होने की सामग्री इकट्ठी होने लगी।
जब सरकार लाहौर और अंग्रेजों की लड़ाई हुई तो महाराज किसी ओर होने के बजाय तटस्थ रहना पसन्द करते मालूम हो रहे थे। यह विषय विवादास्पद है कि वह लाहौर से गुप्तरूप से पत्र-व्यवहार करते थे क्योंकि इसका कोई प्रबल सबूत नहीं है। हां, लाहौर के एक सेनापति रामसिंह के नाभा आने से सरकार को बड़ा सन्देह हुआ पर राजा साहब नाभा का कहना था कि वह सिर्फ इसलिए मौका देखने वहां आया था कि लाहौर से अनबन हुई तो वह वहां रह सके और राजा साहब से शिष्टाचार के बतौर मुलाकात हुई थी। रामसिंह के नाभा आने से ही सरकार को सन्देह तो हो ही गया था और इसके लिए उनके वकील को सूचना भी की गई थी, पर साथ ही लड़ाई होने पर राजा साहब को जो सहायता करने के लिए हिदायतें की गईं थीं, समय पर न कर सके जिससे 13 दिसम्बर सन् 1845 को परगना ढरडू और अमलोह जब्त कर लिए गए।
इस घटना के दो दिन पश्चात् ही मेजर ब्राडफुट ने नाभा के वकील को एक पत्र लिखा जिसमें सूचना के अनुसार प्रबन्ध न करने के कारण हुई हानि की सख्त नाराजी जाहिर की गई और बताया गया कि राजा साहब को गलती सुझाने के लिए हमने आपको पहले भी सूचित किया था। अगर राजा साहब आज या कल शाम तक अंग्रेजी लश्कर में उपस्थित न हो जायेंगे तो वे सरकार अंग्रेजी के दुश्मन समझे जायेंगे। रसद के लिए जो पहले लिखा गया था, वह भी हाजिर की जाए
जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-504
और वह थानेदार को जो असिस्टेंट एजेण्ट के साथ निष्ठुरता से पेश आया था, दण्ड दिया जाये। मौलवी जुहूरुलहक को उसकी जगह नियुक्त किया जाये।
राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह ने इसके उत्तर में लिखा था कि रसद का प्रबन्ध हो रहा है पर वह स्वयं उपस्थित न हुए और रसद वगैरह भी ठीक समय पर न पहुंची। अर्थात् युद्ध समाप्त होने के समय तक भी रसद न पहुंचा पायें। इस कारण से वह गवर्नर द्वारा हुए लुधियाने के दरबार में भी सम्मिलित न किए गए। राजा साहब ने अपनी सफाई में बहुत सी युक्तियां उपस्थित कीं, पर सरकार के सन्देह को दूर न कर सके।
सरकार ने निश्चय करके राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह को गद्दी से उतार दिया और उनका बड़ा बेटा जिसकी उम्र इस समय 8 वर्ष की थी, रियासत का अधिकारी माना गया एवं राज्य का चौथा हिस्सा जब्त कर लिया गया। राजकुमार की शिक्षा-दीक्षा का उचित प्रबन्ध राज्य के 3 अधिकारियों के साथ उसकी सौतेली दादी चन्दकुंवरि को सौंपा गया। राजा साहब के लिए 50,000) रुपये सालाना निश्चित हुए और तय हुआ कि वह देहली और मेरठ से दक्षिण में किसी स्थान पर शान्ति के साथ रहें।
इस निश्चय के पश्चात् राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह स्वयं मथुरा को चले आये और यहीं पर स्थायी रूप से रहने लगे। पचास हजार से उनका खर्च न चलता था, क्योंकि वह खुदमुख्तार रईस रह चुके थे, इसलिए उन्होंने कर्जा भी बहुत बढ़ा लिया था। सरकार ने उनका यहां रहना भी उचित न समझा और वे आठवीं दिसम्बर सन् 1855 को लाहौर भेजे गए। वहां वह राजा खड़गसिंह की हवेली पर ठहरे।
राजा देवेन्द्रसिंह अपने साथ हुए बर्ताव से बहुत दुखी हुए थे जिससे दिल पर हार्दिक वेदना से वह बीमार रहने लगे। सन् 1865 नवम्बर में राजा साहब ने लाहौर में सदा के लिए मानसिक कष्ट से छुटकारा पाया। राजा साहब ने 4 शादियां की थीं। रानी मानकौर से दो पुत्र उत्पन्न हुए - भरपूरसिंह और भगवानसिंह।
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