Chauhan Dynasty

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Chauhan Dynasty tries to explain Chauhan rulers in Chauhan dominions from C. 800 to 1316 A.D. This section is mainly taken for research purpose from Early Chauhān dynasties: a study of Chauhān political history, Chauhān political institutions, and life in the Chauhān dominions from C. 800 to 1316 A.D., by Dasharatha Sharma, Books treasure, Jodhpur. ISBN 0-8426-0618-1.

Professor Dasharatha Sharma (1903–1976) was an Indologist and a noted expert in the history of the Rajasthan. He received a Doctor of Literature (D. Litt.) for his thesis Early Chauhan Dynasties. His noted monograph Early Chauhan Dynasties was first published in 1959.

Chahamanas Dynasty includes many branches of the Chahamanas. The first of these branches lived in the kingdom of Mahishmati situated at the bank of river Narmada.

Contents

Broach dynasty of the Chauhans

Chauhans of Bharuch
Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 15-19

To the Chauhans of Broach belongs the earliest of the Chauhan inscriptions discovered so far, viz., the Hansot Plates of V. 813=756 A.D. which refer themselves to the reign of the illustrious Nagavaloka and record the gift of a village in the Akruresvaravishaya (modern Ankalesvar taluka) by Bhartrivaddha II, the Chauhan chief of Bhrigukachchha.

The donor's genealogy has been given as follows:-

In the Chauhan family:-

Rajan Maheshvaradama (राजन महेश्वरदाम)
Bhimadama (भीमदाम)
Bhartrivaddha (I) (भर्तृवड़्ढा I)
Paramamaheshvara Haradama (परममहेश्वर हरदाम)
Dhru bhatadeva (ध्रुभटदेव)
Paramamaheshvara-samadhigatapanchamahashabda-mahasamantadhipati
Bhartrivaddha ( II) (भर्तृवड़्ढा II)

It is obvious from the donor's titles that he was a feudatory of Nagavaloka (Nagabhata I of the Imperial Prathihara dynasty) to whose reign the grant has been referred. That the termination avaloka was not confined to the Rashtrakutas is shown by Nagabhata II of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty being called Nagavaloka in the Pratihari inscription of Parabala (EI, IX. pp. 252ff) and the Harsha inscription of Vigraharaja II of Shakambhari and in the Prabhavakacharita (p.109 of Nirnayasagar Edition, Bombay). The five members of Bhartrvaddha II's family, who preceded him, have been given a good deal of conventional praise. But as the first of them bears merely the colourless title rajan and the others do not enjoy even this distinction, they probably were no more than petty chieftain. Broach, at least, could not have been under them, for we find the Gurjara ruler Jayabhata III ruling there up to 736 A.D. Bhartrivaddha II was, probably, the first Chauhan ruler of Lata, and his rise to power was, in all likelihood, due to the incursions of Junaid, the Governor of Sind under Caliph Hisham (724-743 A.D.), whose armies are known to have raided Broach, and advanced even further to the south towards Nausari where their further progress was barred by strong Chalukya forces led by Avanijanasraya Pulakeshin of Lata. The Arabs retired from there. But we hear no more after this of the Gurjara kingdom of Broach. Its place was taken, perhaps, immediately, or shortly after, by the principality founded by the Chauhan chief Bhartrivaddha II who is believed to have been related in some way or other to the rulers of Valabhi and was, one might reasonably feel sure, helped in rising to this new dignity by his overlord Nagabhata I, the Gwalior inscription of whose descendant Mihira Bhoja [EI XVIII, pp. 107ff.] describes him (Nagabhata I) as a defeater of the big army of the lord of Mlechchhas.[Ibid., Verse-4] The destruction of the Gurjara kingdom of Broach took place somewhere between 736 A.D., the last date known for Jayaabhata III, and 738 A.D., the year of Pulakeshin's Nausari grant mentioned above. Bhartrivaddha II's principality must, therefore, have come into existence between this slightly uncertain date and 756 A.D., the year of the Hansot Plates. Tammim, the successor of Junaid, is known to have been a weak Governor during whose time the Arabs had to retire from many places that they had previously occupied. Broach was obviously one of the places they had to be evacuated. We have no information about the successors of Bhartrivaddha II. Probably the dynasty ended with him, because within one year of his Hansot Plates we find the Rashtrakuta Governor Kakka II granting lands to a brahmana from Jambusar which is not more than 25 miles or so from Bhrigukachchha. The Ellora Dashavatara inscription ascribes some victories in Lata to Dantidurga, the founder of the Rashtrakuta line of the Deccan. As he was a contemporary of Bhartrivaddha II, both the establishment of the governorship of Kakka Rashtrakuta in Gujarat and the disappearance of the Lata kingdom of the Chauhans within the short period intervening between the Hansot and Antroli-Chharoli grants may be ascribed to the brilliant military achievements of Dantidurga.

Later Chauhiins of Bhrigukachha.

Nearly four centuries later, we once more come across a Chauhan dynasty ruling in this tract with its headquarters at Broach. A little before V. 1279, the important port of Cambay also had belonged to it. It had been in the bhukti of the Sindhuraja, the younger brother of Simha, the Chauhan ruler of Broach, and had been captured by Lavanyaprasada Vaghela of Dholka as the result of a battle in which the Chauhan forces had been decisively beaten. And then closely in the wake of this event had followed another defeat. Simhana, the Yadava ruler of Devagiri, slew Sindhuraja on the banks of the Narmada and put his son Sankha into captivity. But for the help of their erstwhile enemy Lavanyaprasada who not liking any increase in the power of his rival Simhana came to the Chauhans' rescue while their professed ally Devapala of Malwa hung back for sheer fear, Bhrgukachchha and its adjoining territories would have passed into the hands of the Yadavas. This act of political generosity turned Simha, the Chauhan ruler of Broach, into a friend of Lavanyaprasada. But Simha does not appear to have lived long after this event. About V. 1280, he was succeeded by his nephew Sankha who had been released from Yadava captivity with a view, perhaps, to fomenting trouble against Chalukyas.

Jayatsimha Sankha probably lost Broach soon after his second fight for we find it being ruled in V. 1298-1241 A.D. by Vastupala's nephew Lavanyasimha. The Broach dynasty of the Chauhans thus most probably ended with Sankha. Sankha was a well-known warrior and obviously a good diplomat. His attacks on the Vaghelas were well-timed, though they miscarried, because he had insufficient resources at his command and could not, with his position as a mahamandelaleshvara, direct the policy of stronger and more influential rulers like Devapala. His was not, at least, an inglorious failure.

The relationship between the family of Sankha and Bhartrivaddha II is unknown. But it is not unlikely, as surmised by Dr. H.C. Ray, that they might have been related, for both are known to have belonged to Broach.

The Chauhans of Dholpur

Reference - Contents of this section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 19-20

The second oldest available inscription of the Chauhans is that of Chandamahasena of Dholpur whose genealogy is given as follows:

In the Chauhan family-

Isuka
Mahisarama =Kanhulla who became a sati on the death of her husband.
Chandamahasena

The chief facts that we glean about Chandamahasena from this inscription are that he ruled at Dhavalapuri (Dholpur) in V. 898 (A.D. 842), was extremely liberal to Brahmanas whom he rewarded in various ways, and was probably a devotee of the Sun-god for whom he had a temple built in the forest adjoining Dholpur. The lords of the malechchhas settled on both sides of the river Chambal paid him homage, and chiefs like Anirjita, perhaps lords of small villages lying near Dholpur, moved about the town with downcast looks. Unfortunately, however, we know nothing about Anirjita and have no satisfactory means of identifying the Mlechchhas who served him. Dr. H.C. Ray throws out a suggestion that would identify them with the Arabs of Sindh. But in view of the fact that there is no other evidence to prove that the Muslims were settled as far east as that before the time of Muhammad Ghori, it is probably better to regard them as Bhils who are even now found on both the banks of the Chambal and are expressly included by Hemachandra among the Mlechchha tribes of India. [1]

Chandamahasena was probably a feudatory of Bhoja I, the Pratihara ruler of Kanauj, whose Barah grant was issued in V. 893. He may have reached the territory of Dholpur with the troops of Bhoja's grandfather Nagabhata II, who conquered many strongholds on this side and died in V. 890. [2] We know nothing about Chandamahasena's successors.

In the tenth century A.D. when Pratiharas became weak the Chahamanas established its kingdom in Sambhar area. The Harsh Inscription of s.v.1030 (973 AD) tells us that they were rulers of the area. Shakambhari was their capital, and hence this dynasty was actually called Chahamanas dynasty of Sakambhari. The early branch of Chauhans ruled in Lat Pradesh and second branch was in Shakambhari.

The Chauhans of Pratapgarh

Reference - Contents of this section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 20-21

For the Chauhans of Pratapgarh we have two inscriptions, both of which were originally set up in the temples at Ghontavarsika, modern Ghotarsi, a village seven miles to the east of Pratapgarh. The first of these, besides recording a grant of Mahendrapala II of Kanauj, dated in the Vikrama year V.1003 (A.D. 946), and of Bhartripatta, son of Khommana, in V. 999, gives the following genealogy of Mahendrapala II's Chauhan mahasamanta Indraraja, the builder of the temple of the Sun-god Indradityadeva where our inscription was originally set up. In the Chahamana family, the support of Bhoja –

Govindaraja
Durlabharaja
Indraraja

The temple must have been built before V. 999 (A.D. 942), the year of Bhartrpatta's grant to the god Indradityadeva.

From the Harsha inscription we learn that Guvaka I of Sakambhari held an honoured place at the court of Nagabhatta II. [3] Guvaka II gave his sister in marriage to the lord of Kanauj most probably to Bhoja I. So is it not likely that Indraraja’s ancestor who rendered conspicuous service to Bhoja might hay been a member of the Sakambhari line ? The occurrence within three generations of the two names, Govindaraja and Durlabharaja (so common among Sakambhari rulers) suggests the same conclusion. Indraraja's grandfather bore the title bhupa and is said to have helped the goddess of victory to cross the sea of battle with his powerful arms acting as oars. This might be mere conventional praise or refer to valuable help rendered by him to his overlord Mahipala against the Rashtrakutas. Durlabharaja, the next ruler, appears to have been just an ordinary prince. Indraraja has the title mahasamanta. As Madhava, the Pratihara Governor of Ujjain, was also nothing more than a mahasamanta, Indraraja must have been a fairly powerful feudatory. The second Ghotarsi inscription is unfortunately fraggmentary. The part containing the Samvat is gone but the name Durlabhaaja is still there. So the Jaina temple in which the prasasti was set up may be assumed to have been built in the reign of Indraditya's father Durlabharaja Chauhan mentioned above. Nothing is known about Indraraja's successors.

Chauhans of Chandwar and Rayabaddiya

Reference - Contents of this section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 21-22

Chandwar is known to most students of medieval history as the place where Jayachandra of Varanasi and Kanauj fell fighting against Muhammad Ghori. It might then have been included in the extensive dominions of the Gahadavalas. But later on we read of a Chauhan kingdom of Chandwar which continued its existence there at least up to 1449 A.D.

We do not know when the Chauhans first reached Chandwar. But as the Bhavishayatta-kaha of Sridhara, written at Chandwar in 1173 A.D., makes no mention of the Chauhans as rulers of the locality, and Jayachandra fought his last battle there in 1193 A.D., it is likely that the Chauhan Kingdom of Chandwar was founded after the fall of the Chauhan Kingdom of Ajmer and the Gahadavala kingdom of Varanasi and Kanauj. Its rulers are called Sambhariraya or rulers of Sakambhari, an epithet perhaps indicating that they regarded themselves as descendants or relatives of Prithviraja III and came to Chandwar after their paternal kingdom in Rajasthan had been overthrown by the armies of Muhammad Ghori and Qutbuddin Aibak. Thanks to the prevailing hatred of the Muslim conquerors among the Hindu populace, the new kingdom soon gathered strength enough to give trouble to the Sultans of Delhi and, in alliance with other Rajput Chiefships, to delay, not probably decades but centuries, the complete subjugation of the present Uttar Pradesh. We have the following genealogy of its rulers up to 1256 A.D. from the Anuvrataratnapradipa of Sridhara :

Bharatapala (भरतपाल) of the Chauhan family
Jahada (जाहड़) (either a younger brother or son of Bharatapala)

Ballala (बल्लाल)
Ahavamalla (आहवमल्ल) = Isarade. He might have been a younger brother of Ballala who is mentioned as the first nandana or son of Jahada.

As Ahavamalla was on the Chauhan throne in 1256 A.D. it is easy to put Bharatapala, the first member of the dynasty mentioned here, in the first quarter or so of the thirteenth century. He is referred to very briefly in the colophon of the Anuvrataratnapradipa as a protector of his towns, villages, country and people, (not because he was unimportant but on account of the simple reason that the poet was interested mainly in eulogising his patron Kanhada of the Lambakurcha (Lemchu) family and his immediate ancestors, Sodha, Abhayapala and Hallana.

Chauhans of Dadrewa

Note - This section is from DasharathaSharma: Early Chauhan Dynastied (800-1316 AD), pp.365-366

Another feudatory Chauhan family which deserves notice on account of its connection with the folk-deity Gogaji as well as the Kyamkhani (Qiwam Khani) family of Fatehpur, is that of the ‘’Mandaleshwara’’ of Dadrewa (Bikaner Division), known to us from the Kyam Khan Raso and an inscription of V.1273. From the first of these sources we learn that Gogaji was the eldest son of Jevara (जेवर) and ruled for some years. His Successor was Naniga (नानिग), who perhaps died childless. The chieftainship then probably passed on to Udayaraja, a son of Goga's brother, Vairasi. Udayaraja's successors were Jasaraja, Kesoraja, Vijayaraja, Padmasi, Prithviraja, Lalachanda, Gopala, and Jaitasi. It is for the last of these rulers, 'ranaka Jayatsiha, the son mandaleshvara Gopala', that we have an inscription of V. 1270 (1213 A.D.) at Dadrewa (Govind Agarwa:JPASB. XVI, p.257). Jayatasiha's successors were Punapala, Rupa, Ravana, Tihunapala, and Moteraya. The last one of them had a son named Karama Chanda who was converted to Islam by Firuz Shah, (135l-1388 A.D.). If we keep both these definite dates in view, Gogaji ( and we may remember that there is only one Goga in the line of Dadrewa) should be regarded as a contemporary of Mahamud of Ghazna, and not of Firuz Shah, as believed by Tod and some other writers who have followed his lead. This late date is disproved also by the Shravaka-vratadi-atichara, Gujarati book composed in in V. 1466 (1409A.D.) It requires a Jaina Shravaka not to think of worshipping Brahma, Vishnu, Kshetrapala, Goga, Dikpalas, village god and grahas etc., merely because they fulfilled the desires of their devotees. A, local god like Goga must have needed not only twenty-five years but centuries to be so well known, not only in his homeland of north-eastern Rajasthan but also in the distant Gujarat Jaina teachers had to put his worship on a level with that of Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva and other popular gods and dub it as an atichara, i.e., a serious transgression of Jaina dharma.

Actually the only basis that we have for the date of dating Gogaji are the late traditional anecdotes which make him contemporary of the Rathore hero Pabuji, who as a great grandson of Rava Sihoji could have flourished some where about 1325 A.D. It is impossible to build up serious history on the basis of such tales. To me it seems that they were concocted by a fairly late generation of the devotees of Pabuji, who were out to prove that their hero-god was in no way inferior to the Chauhan hero, Gogaji. And if we are out to believe anecdotes, we have to believe equally the stories which make Gogaji, a contemporary of Gorakhanatha: (who is generally put by historians in the beginning of the eleventh century) and of Mahmud of Ghazni against whom he is said to have fought with his forty-five sons and sixty nephews. How the worship of the Chauhan hero came to be so intimately connected with snake worship that Goga came to be regarded as a snake is a subject that needs investigation.

Further material has since writing the above been available to show that Goga was a descendant of Ghanga. Surjan, against whom he had to fight, came one generation earlier than him ( for more details read my article in the Shodhapatrika, XX, pp. 1-3).

As regards the history of the descendant of Karamachanda, known to us as Kayam Khanis,who played an important role in the affairs of Delhi under the later Tughlaqs; Saiyyads, Lodis and Mughals, readers may consult our introduction and critical notes appended to the Kyam Khani Raso published by the Rajasthan Puratattva Mandira, Jaipur.

Shakambhari Chauhans

The chronology of Harshanath Inscription of Chauhan rulers is supported by their Bijolia Inscription of v.s. 1226 (1169 AD). As per record of Bards the place of origin of Chauhans is Mahishmati on the banks of Narmada River. Ahichhatrapur and Shakambhari were their first and second capitals.Their state was known as Sapadalaksha which included one lakh villages. As per Ojha Sapadalaksha was the name of Nagaur. Shakambhari was the ancient name of Sambhar.[4]

Till the middle of 8th century Chauhans were the rulers of Sambhar. Guvaka I was probably the first independent ruler. Chauhans were Shaivas and Harshadeva was their kuladevata.[5] In other inscriptions of Chauhans we get information about a place named Purnatallakapura (पूर्णतल्लकपुर), a very well developed and rich city. Sakrai inscription of s.v. 1155 which mentions terms like 'पूर्णतल्लकपुर: प्रथित: पृथ्वीव्याम्' & 'वेश्मजालै:'. It appears that Purnatallakapura, which has been identified with village Pulota or Pundlota near Degana, has been the capital of Chauhans. Probably the line of rulers starting from Vasudeva to the predecessor of Guvaka were rulers here in Pulota. Later when their state expanded Chauhans made Harsh as their capital or sub capital and Guvaka was the first ruler of Harsha. This is probably the reason for Harshanath inscription starts Chauhan line of rulers from Guvaka. [6]

Vasudeva, Samanta, Naradeva, Durlabharaja I, Guvaka I, to Guvaka II, Chandraraj II, Guvaka II

Genealogy of Chauhan rulers Chahaman - Guvaka-II

1.Vasudeva (551 A.D.) : The earliest ruler of the Sapadalaksha line mentioned in our records is Vasudeva. He was, in some way, connected with the Salt Lake of Sambhar. According to the mythical account in the fourth canto of the Prithwirajavijaya, he received the gift of the Salt Lake of Sambhar from a Vidyadhara :whom he had befriended. In the Bijolia inscription, the lake is said to have been born of him. [7] The Prabandhakosa genealogy puts him in V. 608 or 551 A.D. As the number of generations, however, which scparated him from Vigraharaja II (V. 1030), the first ruler of Sambhar with a definite date, is unknown, it is not easy to decide whether the date V. 608 for Vasudeva’s reign is right. Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar would, on the basis of coin of Vasudeva Bahman, identified by him with this ruler (Vasudeva Chahamana), put him in V. 627 A.D. This view is untenable has been shown above. [8] Dasharatha Sharma [9] referes Prithvirajavijaya and writes that the description there shows that Vasudeva passed the night in the temple of Sakambhari. (See the last verse of Canto IV.) Early in the morning, he started from there for his capital which he reached a little after sunrise. So naturally Vasudeva's capital could not have been at a hard day's ride from Sambhar, at least according to the Prithvirajavijaya.

2. Samanta. In Vasudeva's family was born Samanta who is described in the Bijolia inscription as a Brahmana noble or Ananta (the tract near Harsha in Shekhawati) born in the Vatsa gotra at Ahichchhatrapura. [10] It is not now easy to identify the town. But, as already pointed out above, it might once have been the capital of the Ananta Province. [11] Samanta's exact date is uncertain. But as he precrded Guvaka I, a contemporary of Pratihara ruler Ngabhatta II (V. 872) by six generations, his reign might be assumed to have ended about V. 725. The same date will also be arrived at, if we assign 25 years for each reign and count backwards from Vigraharaja II (V.1030)

3. Naradeva : The next ruler was Naradeva who ruled at Purnatalla, most probably the village Puntala in the Jodhpur state. He is mentioned by the name Nrpa in the Bijolia inscription [12] and as Naradeva in Hammiramahakavya, the Sujanacharita, and the Prabandhakosha genealogy. Dr. R.C. Bhandarkar and Mr. Akshaya Keerty Vyasa put one Puranatalla as successor of Samanta. [13] But actually Purnatalla of the Bijolia inscription, wherein alone the name is mentioned, as the name of a person but of a locality where Nripa or Naradeva flourished. (V.12:Purntalle Nripastatah) The well known Jaina scholar Hemachandra belonged to Purnatalla-gachchha, i.e. branch which had its origin at Purnatalla or Puntalla in Jodhpur state. The real succession of the next four rulers after Naradeva, who are no more than mere names to us, can be tabulated as follows:

4. Jayaraja, son of Samanta > 5. Vigrharaja I > 6. Chandraraja I > 7. Gopendraraja or Gopendraka

8. Durlabharaja I (788 AD): Gopendraka’s son Durlabharaja I achieved greater fame than his immediate predecessor. According to the prithvirajavijaya, he bathed his sword at the confluence of the Gnga and the Ocean and enjoyed the Gauda land. As his son Guvaka-I was an honoured courtier of the- Imperial Pratihara Nagabhatta II.

9. Guvaka I ( 809-836 A.D.): He is also known as Govidraj I. He was the Samanta of Nagabhata II and according to Nagavaloka he had been honoured in the court of Nagabhata.It is learned from `Prithviraj-vijay` that Guvaka had married his sister Kalavati with king Nagabhata II of Kannauj. According to Gwalior inscription Guvaka had fought against the Muslims on behalf of Nagabhata, and had defeated Sultan Beg Varisa. The temple of Hashanatha, the family deity of the Shakambhari Chauhans, was perhaps built by this ruler , though it was added to a good deal by his successors. [14][15]

10. Chandraraj II (836-890 A.D.): After Guvaka, his son Chandraraj II, grandson Guvaka II and grand son-in-law Chandana ruled over his kingdom. Chandana had defeated and killed Tomara king Rudradeva. At that time Tomara dynasty ruled over Delhi. This indicates that after Rudradeva, Chahamana dynasty established its authority over Delhi.


11. Guvaka II (863-890 A.D.)(880 AD) :Guvaka II is described as a great warrior in , as great as Guvaka I. [16] According to Prithvirajajaya, he gave his sister Kalavati in marriage to the paramount sovereign of Kanyakubja, even though she had twelve other suitors for her hand. The Kanyakubja ruler was probably Bhoja I (V. 893-950), who in the Pratapgarh Inscription of Indraraja, is described as having attained to his high position with the help of the Chahamana family. [17] [18]

Chandanaraja, Vakpatiraja I, Singhraja, Vigraharaja II, Durlabhraja II, Prithviraja I

Genealogy of Chauhan rulers Chandanaraja - Vigraharaja IV

12. Chandanaraja (890-917 A.D.) was succeeded by his son Vakapatiraja I and started opposing the Pratihara dynasty i.e. Mahipala I. The chief acievement of Chandanaraja was the slaying of the Tomara chief Rudra. [19] Chandana's queen was Rudrani, known also as Atmaprabha on accpunt of her yogic powers. She is said to hae lighted 1000 lamps daily before the lingama at Pushkara.

13. Vakpatiraja I (917-944 A.D.) was a Shaiva and had built a Siva temple in Pushkar. He is credited with 188 victories by PrithvirajavijayaThe Harsh inscription confirms that Harsha Nagari was central place for the later Chauhan rulers. Verse 16 reveals that a representative of Pratiharas named Tantrapala came to see Vakpati, who was present at Anantagochar. Dr Dasharath Sharma considers Anantagochar as the area around Harshagiri. The successor of Guvaka II was Chandana who was very illustrious. He killed a Tomar Raja named Rudrena. (verse-14). Chandana's son was Vakpatiraja, who was most illustrious among earlier Chauhan rulers, who defeated Tantrapala. His son was Lakshamana who founded Nadol branch of Chahans in Sirohi. [20] The attack of tantrapala Kshmapala on Vakapatiraja I, mentioned in Harsha Inscription reveals that proud of the authority he held from his master, this tantrpala reached Ananta, the homeland of the Chauhans. He was fully confident of success but Vakpati with his fine cavalry proved more than a match for the elephant force of his adversary who, after trying fruitlessly to overtake him, had to retire from the field thoroughly humiliated and dejected. This victory over the Pratihara arms must have greatly increased the prestige of the Chauhana ruler and strengthened over his new conquests. [21]

14. Singhraja (944-964 A.D.?) : Vakapatiraja I was succeeded by his son Singhraj :the first maharajadhiraja. He was the first of the Chahamana dynasty who adopted the title of maharajadhiraja. This also indicates that he had declared himself independent from the Pratihara dynasty. Harsha inscription indicates that Singhraj had defeated Tomara leader Salban and had made many princes and samantas as his prisoner. Pratihara king had come to Singhraj for the release of the said provinces and samantas. Singhraj was a very generous and charitable man. He had donated several villages to the temple of Harshanath.

The overlord mentioned in the Harsha inscription as Raghukule bhuchakravarti (the emperor belonging to the Raghu family) can be identified with Paramabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Parameshvara Vijayapaladeva of the Rajorgarh inscription (V. 1016), a weak Pratihara ruler incapable of controlling the vast territories of the empire of Kanauja. [22] For Simharaja's reign we have the Thamvala inscription of V. 1013. Its transcript shows that Simharaja bore the title Maharajadhiraja. His father, Vakpati, had to remain content with the title of Maharaja, though he won 188 victories. Further, the inscription testifies to his mastery over the territory that included Merta and probably, also Pushkar. That Simharaja was a Saiva is known from the Harsha inscription of V. 1030 (973 A.D.). From this inscription, we further gather that he was a worshipper also of Aditya, i.e., the Sun.

Simharaja 's son, Vigraharaja II, is described in the Harsha inscription as "rescuing the, fortune of his family and the Goddess of Victory from the distress that had befallen them". [23] Simharaja's end therefore might have been rather tragic. Perhaps he ultimately succumbed to a strong combination of his numerous enemies among whom might perhaps be included also the incensed Pratiharas of Kannauj.

15. Vigraharaja II: Simharaja was succeeded by his son Vigraharaja II, the greatest of the early Chauhans of Sakambhari, for whom we have the Harsha inscription of V.1030 (973 A.D.). I t is obvious from the description given therein that not only had the danger to his dynasty passed away by that time but that the new ruler had probably made some new conquests and was being served by feudatories. [24] The record, however, does not say anything about his most talked of achievement, the one that captured the imagination of all the Chauhan eulogists from Jayanaka to Chandrasekhara and has been recorded even by the chroniclers of Gujarat. This great feat was the defeat of Mularaja Chaulukya. The omission is, perhaps, to be explained by its having occurred after V.1030 and before V.1055.

He was a very powerful ruler. He had attacked king Mularaja I of Chalukya dynasty and after conquering Sarasvat Mandala and later he had extended his empire up to river Narmada. But according to Hamiramahakavya of Nayachandra Suri, Vigraharaj had killed Moolaraj. This does appear to be correct. According to Prithvirajavijaya, Vigraharaja II forced the Gujarat ruler Mularaja to shut himself up in the Kantha fort and carried his arms upto Bhrigukachchha where Vigraharaj had built a temple of Ashapuri Devi in Bhrigukachchha at the bank of river Narmada.[25]

Firishta[26], if believed in, would lead us o conclude that Vigraharaja II fought also against the Muslims and the Ray of Ajmer sent a contigent to join the league organized by the ruler of Lahore against Subuktigin in the year 997 AD. Vigraharaja II was, without question, the greatest of the early Chauhan rulers of Sapadalaksha. He came to the throne when the Chauhan kingdom lay prostrate at the feet of his enemies. That he could within a few years restore his family merely to its former glory but also add to its greatness by exacting tributes from many princes and humbling the pride of Mularaja, the strong ruler of Gujarat, speaks volumes for his resourcefulness and excellent generalship. Like his grandfather Vakpati I, he was a great cavalry leader; the title Khuranajondhakara connotes well the great reputation that he must have enjoyed as a campaigner.

16. Durlabhraja II (999 AD) : After the death of Vigraharaj his younger brother Durlabhraj ascended the throne and he defeated Chahamanas of Naddul branch and incorporated Rasoshittan Mandal into his empire. At the end of 10th century Durlabharaja was a powerful Chauhan ruler. It is said that his empire extended to Jaipur in the east, Jodhpur in the west, Sikar in the north and Ajmer in the south.

The earlier reference to Durlabharaja II is in the Harsha Inscription (Verse 26) where in his elder brother Vigraharaja II is said to have been adorned by him as was Rama by Lakshmana and Balarama by Krishna. As his two other brothers Chandraraja and Govindaraja do not find a place in the prasasti portion of the inscription, it might be assumed that; even as early as V. 1030, Duriabharaja held a higher, position than his two other brothers and had perhaps been recognised as an heir-apparent. The other references to him are in Rashtrakuta Dhavala’s inscription of V. 1053 and the Kinsariya and Sakrai inscriptions of his own reign, both dated in V. 1056. [ EI ., XII, p.59] In thc former of these, he is mentioned as holding undisputed sway over the earth and as attacking and over-powering Mahendra, who is rightly identified by Kielhorn with Mahendra Chauhan of Nadol. Dhava1a is said to have used both diplomacy and force in relieving the beleaguered monarch.[Verse-11] but considering the strength or the kingdom of Sakambhari at the time and the terms in which Durlabharaja himself is referred to, there is greater possibility of Dhavala's having used more the former than the latter means against the aggressor. The reason for which Mahendra was attacked, in spite of being a Chauhan, was probably his alliance with Durlabharaja's rivals, the Chaulukyas of Anahillapattana, to whose ruler Durlabharaja II is known to have given his sister in marriage. The Kinsariya inscription states that Durlabharaja was known also as Durlanghyameru on account of his orders being never transgressed by others. The Sakrai inscription calls Durlabharaja as a Maharajadhiraja. [27]

17. Govindaraja III: Durlabhraj was succeeded by his son Govindaraj III, knon also as Gandu. During his reign the attack of Mahmud Ghaznavi had started and they were getting prominence. He suffered not much loss. Firishta records that Mahmud had to return to Ghazna by way o Sindh, because the route through Marwar lay blocked by large forces uder the ruler of Ajmer. For Ajmer, of course, one should substitute Shakambhari, as there was no Ajmer in existence at that time. [28]

18. Vakapati II: After Govindaraj II two other kings, Vakapati II and Viryarama came. Vakapati II slew, in battle, Ambaprasada, the ruler of Aghata. (then capital of Mewar).

19. Viryarama was defeated by king Anahilla of Naddul branch of Chahamana and later was killed in war with Paramara Bhoja, the ruler of Avanti (c.1010-1055 AD). The Paramara forces perhaps occupied Shakambhari for a while as a result of this victory.

20. Chamundaraja: After Viryarama three other rulers, Chamundaraj, Singhatdushala and Durlabhraj III came one by one. Viryarama's brother Chamundaraja built a temple of Vishnu at Narapura. Narapura is Narwar Ajmer situated in Kishangarh territory about 16 miles from Ajmer. His greatest achievement was the freeing of Shakambhari with the help of clansman , Anahilla of Nadol. Bijolia Bhilwara inscription puts one Simhata between Chamundaraja and his son Dusala or Durlabharaja. He might have been Dusala's elder brother. [29][30]

21. Durlabharaj III was killed while fighting against the Matangas or mlechchas. Matangas were Muslim invaders. Other kings who came after him were Vir Singh and Vigrharaja III.

22. Vigrharaja III (1079 AD) : Vigrharaja III is said to have given military help to Parmara king Uditaditya against Chalukya king. Vigrharaja III most probably ascended to throne about V. 1136.

23. Prithviraja I (1105 A.D.) : Vigradharaja III was succeeded by Prithviraj I. He ruled in 1105 A.D. Prithviraj I had killed 700 Chalukyas who had come to loot the brahmanas of Pushkar. Prithviraja I was the son of Vigrharaja III and husband of Rasaladevi. An inscription of vikrama year 1162, engraved on a pillar of sabhamandapa of Jeenmata temple in Shekhawati, calls him Paramabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Parmeshvara, showing thereby his independent position as a ruler of great power. [31] He was succeeded by his son Ajairaj.

Chauhans of Ajmer

Ajairaja II, Arnoraja, Vigraharaja IV

24. Ajairaja II: He was a famous ruler of his time. He was also called Salhana. He founded Ajmer and also attacked Malava captured Sulhana and made the senapati of Parmar king Naravarman as his prisoner. He killed rulers Chachig, Sindhul and Yashoraj. Ajairaja was the founder of the stately city of Ajmer, known originally as Ajayameru after the name ofthis ruler. It was certainly a better place for refuge against Muslim attacks than Sambhar and in some ways better placed for raids on kingdoms like Malwa. It must have been founded before V. 1170 for it is mentioned in in pattavali of Palha copied by Jinarakshita at Dhara in that year. The name finds a place in a sati slab of r. 489 also. He also issued coins in his name and also his wife Somalladevi. These coins find mention in Menal Inscription of V. 1225 and in Dhod pillar inscription of V.1228. [32]

25. Arnoraja (r. 1133-1151 AD): Ajairaj was succeeded by his son Arnoraj before 1133 AD. Jaisingh Siddhraj, Chalukya ruler, attacked Arnoraj but later he returned the kingdom of Arnoraj and married his daughter Kanchandevi with him. Arnoraj's second wife was Sidhawa ,daughter of Marwar ruler of Avichi province. Jaisingh Siddharaj's son also fought against Arnoraj. Arnoraj entered into a treaty with king Ballal of Ujjain and attacked Siddharaj's son Kumarpal. Near about 1155 A.D. He ruled from V. 1190 to 1208. Arnoraja's fight against Turushka i.e. the Yaminis of Lahore and Ghazna was inheritance from his father Ajayaraja who perhaps never succeeded in recovering Nagaur from Muslims. Very early in Arnoraja's reign the Muslims had reached as far as Ajmer. In the battle that followed on the plain outside the city, the Yamini commonder was decisively beaten and fled before the pursuing Chauhana. Many Muslim slodiers died of the exhaustion caused of their heavy armour, and not a few perished of thirst in the waterless desert. Some found their graves in the shifting sand-dunes of Rajasthan. A large amount of booty fell into the hands of soldiers of Arnoraja. [33]

Equally great was Arnoraja's success in Malwa. Bijolia inscription refers to the defeat of Niraana-Narayana i.e. Naravarman, the ruler of Malwa in verse-17. The fragmentary Chauhan prasasti too begins its account of Arnoraja by mentioning Naravarman (verse-22, Line-23). The details of the expedition to Sindhu and Sarasvati are not clear. "Rendered thirsty", says the Chauhan Sapadalaksha prashasti, "by having remained in the waterless desert with his thirst unquenched by Prahladakupa (perhaps Pallu in Bikaner area), Arnoraja reached Sindhu and Sarasvati. [34][35]

Chauhana Sapadalaksha fragmentary prashasti tell us that Arnoraja's soldiers rendered muddy the waters of the river Kalindi (Jamuna) and women of Haritanaka country shed tears.[36]

Arnoraj had also conquered the kingdom of Kusha-Varana (Varan is modern Bulandshahr) then held by the Dod clan ruler either Sahajaditya or Bhojadeva. That it did not escape the victorious arms of Arnoraja might be seen from the first part of verse 17 of Bijolia Inscription. [37] [38]

Arnoraja attacked Kumarapala Chalukya but got defeated. This defeat of Arnorja and Ballala, his the Malwa ally, is mentioned in the Vadnagar prashasti, dated Thursday, the 5th of bright half of ashvina, V. 1208 and that of Arnoraja alone is in Chittor Inscription of V. 1207 which states that after having defeated the ruler of Shakambhari, Kumarapala reached Shalipura (modern Shalera) and fixing his camp there went to have the glorious view of the Mount Chitrakuta. (Lines: 10-13, EI,II,p.421ff) Thence he proceeded to Palari where, according to Tod he placed an inscription in the month of Pausha, V. 1207. [39]

Arnoraja deserves to be regarded as one of the great rulers of his dynasty. He added to the glory of his people and the territory of his kingdom by his expeditions of Malwa, Haryana and other land. His greatest achievement was the decisive defeat of the Ghazanvites which kept them away from Sapadalaksha for nearly twenty years.

Arnoraja did not survive long after his defeat. He was murdered by Jagaddeva, his eldest son by Sudhavi of Marwar. His other sons were Vigraharaja IV, Devadatta and Someshvara. He was a Saiva but cordial woth other sects.

26. Jugdeva: Arnoraj's son Jugdeva killed his father and ascended the throne. But only after a few days his younger brother Vigradharaj usurped the throne from him. Kanchanadevi's son was Someshwar and Sudhawa had three sons, whose elder son Jagdev killed Arnoraj. This murder was prior to year 1153 AD. Jagdev ruled for a short period who was dethroned by Vigraharaj IV. [40]


27. Vigraharaja IV (1151 to 1163 AD) : He ruled from 1151 to 1163 A.D.. He was a powerful king and is also known as Bisaldeva. We have eleven inscriptions about him ranging from V. 1210 to V.1220. Of thse six come from Ajmer, one from Lohari in the Jahazpur district of Mewar, one from Narhad in Jaipur division, and three from the Shiwalika Pillar of Ashoka, now in Delhi. It is in the Vigraharaja IV's reign that we find Chauhan records appearing for the first time in the area comprising of Bijolia, Mandalgarh and Jahazpur. In V. 1207 chittor and its adjacent territories probably recognized the supremacy of Chalukyas and Jahazpur might have been under them. [41]

He conquered Delhi from the kings of Tomar dynasty and attacked Chalukya king Kumarpala and to avenge his father's defeat, he destroyed the areas of Pallika and Naddul. He burnt Javalipura after attacking the Parmara king. Narhar Inscription of Vigraharaja IV of s.v. 1215 (1159 AD) tells us that Vigraharaj IV ruled over wide areas of Shekhawati. Bijolia inscription mentions his exploit and capture of Delhi and Hansi. Delhi as per Palam Baori and Delhi museum Inscriptions of respectively V. 1337 and V. 1384 a possession of Tomaras before its capture by Chauhans. Hansi had been recaptured by Tomaras from Ghaznavites and most probably remained in their hands till its conquest by the Chauhans. It had been captured by Masud in 1038 AD and recaptured after some time by Mahipala.[42]

He fought many wars against the Muslims and conquered the area between Yamuna and Sutlej from them. Vigraharaja IV's first war against the Muslims appears to have been fought in self-defence. Advancing as far as Vavvera now a small village about six miles from Khetri in Jaipur division of Rajasthan, when Hammira invited Vigraharaja IV to submit to his authority. In the ensuing battle Hammira was beaten and forced to retire to his own dominions. Of people who agreed and supported Vigraharaja IV's policy and cooperated fully with him special mention might be made of his maternal uncle, Simhabala, the Johiya chief of Marukotta at least from V. 1217 to V. 1232. The Hammira or Muslim leader vanquished by Vigraharaja IV probably was the Ghaznavite Amir Khusrau Shah (1153-1160 AD). Next must have followed offensive operations on the part of Vigraharaja IV. We have no details about them, but by V. 1220, the year of incision of his Siwalik Pillar inscriptions, he had succeeded in freeing most Hindu territories from Ghaznavite dominion. Only the Punjab remained under Muslims after that year. [43]

About him some information can be get from the passage in an inscription that he attacked up to Sivalika region and got written his inscription on a pillar of Asoka. Thus he built up a big empire and adopted the titles of `maharajadhiraj` and `parmeshwara`. The conquest of Delhi turned Chauhans of Shakambhari and Ajmer into an all-India power.

Besides being a good warrior he also was a great poet. A drama named Harikeli was written by him. His poet laureate Somdeva and the drama of `Lalitvigraha`. He also established Sanskrit college, which was later on converted into a mosque by Altutumash.

Vigraharaja IV founded a number of towns which he called Visalapura after his alternative name Visala. One of these stands at the mouth of the chasm-like gorge which runs through the Girwar mountain range in Mewar to Rajamahala. According to Prithvirajavijaya Vigraharaja IV erected as many buildings as the hill-forts that he captured. On account of iconoclassical zeal of the Muslim conquerors, however, only a few of them have survived. Many were destroyed and many were converted to Muslim structures. [44]

Amarangeya, Prithviraj II, Someshwara, Prithviraj III

Genealogy of Chauhan rulers Prithviraja-II - Ramadeva
Genealogy of Chauhan rulers Changadeva - Prithvi Singh (Chhota Udaipur)

28. Amarangeya: After the death of Bisaldeva his son Aparangeya by Desaladevi succeeded him as a king. But he died unmarried at an early age and was succeeded by Prithviraj II.

29. Prithviraja II: Also known as Prithvibahata, was the son of parricide Jagadeva. We have four inscriptions about this ruler, one at Hansi dated 7th of the bright half of Magha, V. 1224, two at Menal in Mandalgarh district in Mewar, dated V. 1225 and V. 1226 and fourth at Dhod, a village 7 miles to the south-east of Jahazpur in Mewar, dated 13th of dark half of jyeshtha, V. 1225. From Dhod inscription, we learn that he defeated the ruler of Shakambhari in battle. This clearly means that he defeated Aparagangeya, whom he, as the eldest son of Arnoraja, might have regarded as a usurper. Hansi inscription states that he secured the elephant Manahsiddhikari from ruler Vastupala whom we may identify as Vasantapala, the grandfather of Aparagangeya. Another ruler defeated by him was the chief of Panchapura, probably Pinjore, a very old town near Kalka. The ruler of Panchapura saved his kingdom by surrendering a valuable pearl necklace and offering homage to Chauhan rulers. To check the attacks of the Muslims Prithviraj II had appointed his maternal uncle Guhila Kilahana as the governor of Hansi.[45]

Prithviraja II's chief queen Suhava was like her husband a devout of Shiva. Prithviraja II granted villages, gold etc. to brahmanas, gave village Morajhari to the Jaina temple of Parshvanatha at Bijolia. Prithviraja II died before the end of V. 1226, probably without leaving any issue. Ministers therefore appointed his uncle Someshvara, the only surviving son of Arnoraja on the throne who was at that time in Gujarat. [46]


30. Someshwara (r.1169 - 1177 AD) : After the death of Prithviraj II, his uncle Someshwara succeeded him as a king. He was the son of Arnoraj and his mother Kanchandevi was a princess of Chalukya dynasty. Someshwara was married, while he was in Gujarat, to Karpuridevi daughter of Achala who is described in Prithvirajavijaya as the lord of Tripuri and identified by dr. D C Sirkar with Kalachuri ruler Gayakarna but it would be better to identify him with Nrisimha (V.1216). Someshvara's both sons, Prithviraja III and Hariraja, were born in Gujarat. Someshvara assumed the title of Pratapalankeshvara (Bijolia inscription verse 27). Of five inscriptions discovered so far one comes from Bijolia, two from Dhor, one from Rewasa, and one from Anvalda. Their dates range from V.1226 to V. 1234, and give almost the exact period of his ruling. Someshvara built a a town named after his father and erected five temples of which one was dedicated to Tripurusha and another to Vaidyanatha. He had two statues erected , one of his father riding horse and other of himself standing before it. [47]


Someshvara was a Shaiva by conviction but tolerent to other sects. He is known to havegranted village Revna to temple of Parshvanatha at Vindhyavalli or Bijolia. (See Bijolia Inscription Verse 28). He issued coins of "Bull and Horseman type" with legend āsā vari shri-Sāma (ntadeva and on the obverse the figure of horseman with legend shri-Someshvara. His ministers were - Skanda and his son Sodha, Kadambavasa, the Chief-Minister during Prithviraja III's minority. [48]We have information about Prithviraja III from his Badla Inscription of V. 1234. [49]

Someshwara had extended his empire to Gwalior, Kannauj and to Hissar and Sarhind in the west.

31. Prithviraj III (1166-1192 CE): He was the son of Someshwara and ascended the throne at the age of 11 years when his father died in V. 1234 (1177 AD). He was born at Patan in Gujarat on Jyeshtha Shukla Dwadasi V. 1223 (1166 AD). Because of his minor age, his mother Karpurdevi looked after the administration of the state for one year. During this period Nagas, who had many small states, organized and rebelled against Chauhan dynasty. Rani Karpuri Devi sent her faithful minister Bhuwanikamal and suppressed the Nagas. Later on we do not hear about Nagas in history. [50]

Immediately after taking the reign of administration into his hands in V. 1237 (1180 AD) he had to fight against his cousin brother Nagarjuna who was the son of Vigraharaj IV. Prithviraja marched against him with a large army and laid a siege to Gudapura.[51] Nigarjjuna was defeated and he to ran away to Fatehpur Janapad in Uttar Pradesh. He took shelter in an an ashrama under a changed name Raimana. Raimana married there and his descendants are called Raijada Chauhans. (K. Devi Singh Mandawa: Prithviraja Chauhan, p. 107)

Another early war of Prithviraja III was against Bhadanakas whose territory comprised of the present Rewari tahsil, Bhiwani and its adjoining area and part of Alwar state. It must have occurred some time before V. 1239. The over-through of Bhadanakas seems decisive, for we hear mo more of them as a ruling power. Jinapala's Kharataragachchhapaṭṭavalī tells us that in V. 1239 (1182 AD) Prithviraja III started his digvijaya and on his conquest of all quarters had pitched his first camp at Narayana. Later he marched against Jejakabhukti and camped near Urai. Chandela army under the leadership of Alha reached Mohani on the banks of river Betwa. There was a war at Bairagarh. The Madanpur (Bundelkhand) Inscriptions records war in V.1239 by Prithviraja III, the son of Someshvara and the grandson of Arnoraja. Prithviraj conquered Mahoba, the capital of Chandel ruler Parmardi or Paramala, after a stiff fight with Banafara heroes Alha and Udala who were aided also by an army of Kanauj. [52] It is said that after this defeat Alha went with Guru Gorakh Nath and became a sanyasi. Chauhan warriors who accompanied Prithviraja III were Kaka Kanha, Chandra Punsir, Panjavanarai Kachhwaha, Moharai Chandel etc. Prithviraj occupied Sagar, Lalitpur, Orchha, Jhansi, Siraswagarh etc the areas west of river Dhasan. (K. Devi Singh Mandawa, Prithviraja Chauhan, p.66)

In 1187 he attacked Gujarat and made a treaty with. Chalukya king Bhima II. There was a fight between Chalukyas and Chauhans at Nagaur. two inscriptions found at Charlu, a village in south-east of Bikaner state, commemorate the death of certain Mohil heroes in the battle of Nagaur in the Vikrama year 1241. [53]

Prithvi Raj defeated the Afghan ruler Muhammad Ghori in the First Battle of Tarain in 1191 CE,a village in Karnal District- in that very field of Kurukshetra where the Pandavas and Kauravas are said to have fought against each other. Ghori attacked for a second time next year, and Prithvi Raj was defeated at the Second Battle of Tarain in 1192 CE. Prithviraja's life, however, was spared for a while, and he was carried, not to Ghazna, as averted by some Hindu writers, but to his own capital Ajmer and killed. Ghori was equally successful in other directions; for soon after the greater part of Sapadalaksha, including the forts of Hansi, Sarasvati (Sirsa), Samana and Kohram fell into his hands with comparative ease. [54]

Prithvi Raj III has been immortalized by `Prithvi-raj-raso` of Chandra-bardai and `Prithviraj vijaya`.

Some recent discovered Inscriptions of Prithviraja III


Reference - Dasharatha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties", pp. 106-107.

Fourteen inscriptions of Prithviraja III have been discovered so far.

  • The earliest is an inscription found near Ajmer. It is dated V. 1234, and is given at Charlu. The Charlu inscriptions published by Dr Dasharatha Sharma in Rajasthana Bharati, Vol. I, are, in view of their historical importance, reproduced here.
  • The next inscription, dated V. 1236, comes from Lohari.
  • Nearly of the same time is an inscription from Phalodi.
  • The Madanpur (Bundelkhand) inscriptions are dated V. 1239.
  • The Revasa inscriptions referring to certain Chandels of Khaluvana (खलुवाणा) village in the Chandel pargana are published here for the first time. When and why these Chandels migrated from Bundelkhanda to Rajasthan iS unknown.

Chauhans of Ranthambhor

Chauans of Ranthambhor

Apart from Shakambhari branch of Chauhans there was one more branch at Ranthambhor established by Govindaraj in 13th century. His son was Valhan Dev. Valhan was chieftain of Altamash but later on after 1215 AD he became independent. In 1226 Altamsh attacked and won the fort of Ranthambhor. Rulers in this branch had been Prahlad, Vagbhatt, Viranarayan, Jaitra Singh and Hamir. Hamir became king in 1283. Hamir did digvijaya. He occupied Shivpur, Balwan. Sharangadharapaddhati writes him king of Shakambhari. [55]

Govinda to Jaitrasimha

This section is mainly from - Dasharatha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties", Ch. X, pp. 118-122

Govinda - [Page-118] The founder of the line of the Chauhans of Ranthambhor was Prthviraja III's son Govinda. When the Chauhans got decisively beaten in the second battle of Tarain, he or his ministers saw no further use in resisting the Muslims, and he was, on the payment of a heavy tribute, allowed to retain the possession of Ajmer. To give his country peace, he gave Qutb-ud-din rich presents, and dissuaded him from attacking Delhi which, was at the time under a Chauhan feudatory. But his policy, however expedient it might have been under the circumstances, was naturally, in many quarters regarded as cowardly, unpatriotic and disgraceful. These dis-sentient elements found, as already recorded, a leader in Prithviiraja's younger brother Hariraja who first drove out Govinda from Ajmer and then tried to deprive him also of Ranthambhor. How Hariraja was driven away has been stated above. Govinda was favoured with a robe of honour. He gave, in return, large sums of money to his Muslim benefactor together with three gold kettledrums, the price fetched by one of which sufficed to build a big mosque at Herat.

Valhana - In due course, Govinda was succeeded in the kingdom of Ranthambhor by his son Valhana. That, like his father, he continued to recognise the supremacy of the Delhi Sultanate is obvious from the Manglana stone inscription which refers itself to


[Page-119]:the victorious reign of Shamsuddin, the lord of Ghor and Ghazna and the gadhapati Valhanadeva ruling at Ranthambhor. It is dated Sunday, the 11 th of the dark half of jyeshtha, V. 1272-[ 1215 A.D.], and records the construction of a step-well by Valhana's feudatory Jaitrasimha, son of Mahamandalesvara Padmasimhadeva of the Dadhichaka family. (IA, XLI, p. 87f). [56]

Prahladana - Valhana's son and successor Prahladana did not rule long. He died of injuries sustained in a lion-hunt.

Viranarayana was the next ruler, with his uncle Vagbhata as his regent. Viranarayana had, early in his reign, to face the armies of Shamsuddin Iltutmish of Delhi. While proceeding to Amber to marry the daughter of its Kachhwaha chief, he was attacked by the Muslims and had some difficulty in getting back to Ranthambhor. Here, however, he successfully withstood the Muslim onslaughts. Finding mere force useless, Iltutmish, therefore, next tried diplomacy. He assured Viranarayana of his friendship, promising to do him no harm, if he came over to Delhi. Viranarayana who wished to have Muslim help against Vigraha of Vakshasthalapura proved foolish enough to believe the Sultan's word and was poisoned to death. Thereafter it was easy to capture Ranthambhor. The Tabaqat-i-Nasiri puts the event in 633 H. (1226 A.D.). [57]

Viranarayana's uncle Vagbhata had advised his nephew not to accept Sultan's invitation and left for Malwa on his advice being angrily and disrespectfully rejected. Here he slew the Malwa king on learning that he was conspiring against his life with the Muslims and carved out a small principality for himself. [58]

Vagbhata got the desired chance of regaining Ranthambhor in the year 1236. [59]Iltutmish died. The weak Ruknuddin Firoz Shah succeeded him. There were revolts on all sides. It was too good an opportunity to be missed. Vagbhata, therefore, soon assembled a big force and reaching Ranthambhor invested


[Page-120]: it closely. After some lime, water and food in the fort became scarce, and all that Raziya, the successor of Sultan Ruknuddin, could do was to get out the half-starved garrison by sending Malik Qutb-ud-din Husain to its assistance.

Vagbhata had to fight twice again against the Muslims. In 646 H. (1248 A.D.) Nasiruddin sent against him a large force under Ulugh Khan, who later on became Sultan Balban of Delhi. Vagbhata must have, by that time, become very powerful, because Minhaj calls him the greatest of the Rais of Hindustan. Ulugh Khan ravaged Vagbhata's territory. But his military success was practically nil. His assistant Bahauddin Aibak was slain while trying to attack Ranthambhor, and the Muslim army had to retire discomfited, and not probably without some loss, to Delhi. The second fight was in A.D. 1253. Ulugh Khan had, in that year, prepared a large force to attack Ranthambhor and other important Hindu strongholds. Vagbhata met him with a well-equipped army, and though the Muslims claim to have scored some sort of success, it could not have been very great, because instead of proceeding any further, Ulugh Khan returned there after to Nagor, the base from where he had started. The Muslims just captured some horses and prisoners and "returned safe" with their booty.

The Rataul plate mentions one Mahakumara Chahadadeva in the family of Arnoraja and Prthviraja. (EI, XII,p.224). As the letters v and ch were very much alike each other in the 13th century, it is not unlikely that this ruler might actually be Vagbhata of Ranthambhor. Mr. Dayaram Sahni's suggestion, however, that the Ranthambhor prince should be identified also with Chahadadeva of Narwar is unacceptable, because the latter belonged not to the Chauhan but to the Yajvapala family. We have to see the inscriptions of Asaladeva (V. 1319) and Gopala (V. 1339) quoted in JASB, XVI, NO.3, p. 81. Further, as remarked by Mr. Garde, had the Jajapellas been a branch of the great Chauhan clan, the praiasti writers would certainly have mentioned the fact. Vagbhata ruled probably only up to 1253 A.D. Chahadadeva's coins go up to 1259 A.D.


[Page-121]: According to the Hammiramahakavya, Vagbhata ruled at Ranthambhor for twelve years. If this be regarded as an approximately correct period, Vaghhata must have died a little after Ulugh Khan's second attack in 1253 A.D. His greatness was recognised in every quarter. Even his enemies called him "the greatest of the Rais, and the most noble and illustrious of all the princes of Hindustan", and that their estimate was perfectly justified might be seen from his achievements detailed above.

Jaitrasimha- Vagbhata was succeeded by his son Jaitrasimha. According to the Balvan inscription, he, acting as some new Sun, scorched Jayasimha, even though he was seated in Mandapa, sharpened the edge of his axe on the throat of the Kurma ruler, looked glorious with his sword playing on the skull of the ruler of Karkarāla-giri and captured at Jhamphāithaghaṭṭa hundreds of the soldiers of the ruler of Malwa who were thereafter thrown into prison at Ranastambhapura and enslaved. (EI,XIX, pp.49-50)

The Malavesa, who is mentioned here as Jayasimha of Mandapa, is apparently Jayasimha II for whom we have an inscription in the Vikrama year 1326. The fight between him and Jaitrasimha looks like a continuation of the Chauhan-Paramara struggle begun in Vagbhata's time. The victory of Jhamphāithaghaṭṭa, however, does not seem to have been decisive; the Paramaras remained strong enough to fight against the Chauhans of Ranthambhor a few years later. Jhamphāithaghaṭṭa stands for Jhapait-ghat on the Chambal river ten miles due south of the Railway Station of Lakheri in Kota-Bundi. Balvan is 7 miles north east of Lakheri.

The Kurma ruler was probably the successor of the Kachhwaha prince of Amrapuri whose daughter was to have been married to Jaitrasimha's cousin Viranarayana. Karkaralagiri looks like Karkarala of the Hammiramahakavya. As the ruler of Tribhuvanagiri (modern Tahangarh and Tahankir of the Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi) is said to have rendered homage to Hammira at Karkarala, the place could not probably have been far away from Tahangarh. Karkarala too might have been like Tahangarh once in possession of the line later on know as Yadvas Karauli.


[Page-122]: Jaitrasirhha also had to fight against the Muslims. After having failed twice in Vagbhata's reign, they tried their luck again in that of Jaitrasimha. Nasiruddin sent Malik-un-Nawwab who proceeded with a force against Ranthambhor on the 18th February 1259, but as the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, the source of our information on this point, does not say a single word more about the expedition, it might be assumed that it was unsuccessful.

Jaitrasirhha had three sons, Suratrāna, Virama and Hammmira. Of these the last was anointed the ruler of Ranthambhor with his father's own hands on Sunday, the 15th of the bright half of Magha in the Vikrama year, 1339, even though he was not the eldest of the three brothers. The genealogy at the end of the Prabandhakosha gives V. 1342 as the year of Hammira's accession. As both the HM and PKG are almost equally reliable for the reign, this difference in dates can, I believe, be reconciled by supposing that Jaitrasimha lived on for three years more before starting for Pattana on the river Chambal and expiring on the way to it at the village of Palli. We have identified it with the KeshorayaPattana on the Chambal. It seems to have been important tirtha. It had temple of Mahadeva.

Hammira

This section is mainly from - Dasharatha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties", Ch. XI, pp. 123-137.

[Page-123]: There is no lack of historical information regarding Hammira, the last and most famous of the Chauhans of Ranthambhor. Besides the Balvan and Gadha inscriptions[60] , we have the Hammiramahakavya of Nayachandra Suri which, though not a contemporary work, has been found generally correct in its account of Hammira and his immediate predecessors. Muslim writers like Amir Khusrau and Zia-ud-din Barani give details of his fight with Ala-ud-din Khalji. The account in the Surjanacharita can be used with some caution. The Prakrtapingala and Sarangadharapaddhati give a few verses about him; and then there are late Hindi works like the Hammirayana of Bhandan Vyas, Hammiraprabandha of Amrtakalasha, Hammiraraso of Jodharaja and Hammirahatha of Chandrashekhara which, though not entirely historical are useful as evidence of the great reputation that Hammira enjoyed for his chivalry, gallantry and bravery in war.

Hammira's Digvijaya - Hammira had, as we have seeln, ascended the throne in V.1339. Not very long after this, he started, according to the Hammiramahakavya, on a digvijaya or conquest of all the quarters. He first defeated Ajuna, the ruler of Bhamarasa, and then exacted tribute from the fort of Mandalakrita (मण्डलकृत) or Mandalgarh . Striking southwards from here, he reached Ujjayini and Dhara and defeated the Paramara ruler Bhoja. From here he turned northwards, and reached home passing through Chittor, Abu, Vardhanapura (वर्धनपुर) (Badnore), Changa (चंगा) (fortress of the mers still retains old name), Pushkar, Maharashtra (Marot), Sakambhari, Khandilla (खंडिल्ल) (Khandela), Champa (चम्पा) (Chaksu), and Karkarala (कर्कराला) (Karkaralagiri of the Balvan Inscription == Karauli), at the last of which places he received the homage of the ruler of Tribhuvanagiri (Tahangarh).


[Page-124]: after came a Koti-yajna which was very much like the asvamedha of Samudragupta. It was under the direction of his purohita Vishvarupa,

This digvijaya, or rather a number of raids from time to time magnified into one systematic digvijaya (Balvan Inscription, EI, XIX, pp.49 ff) by Nayachandra, took place before V. 1345 (c. 1288 A.D.). The Balvan inscription of the year mentions the performance of not only one but two Kotiyagna by Hammira and describes the capture of the elephant force of Arjuna, the ruler of Malwa, a kingdom the condition of which was indeed bad enough to invite interference from all sides. On the death of its ruler about V. 1300, dissensions had broken out between his son and minister, and after long hostilities and much bloodshed each had made himself master of a part of the country, but without giving the kingdom any peace. Rulers from many parts of India, of whom Hammira was only one, raided it every year and carried away much property and wealth, and captives and fine linen.

The ruler Arjuna of Malwa, mentioned in the Balvan inscription, as defeated by Hammira, was probably the successor of Jaitrasimha's rival, Jayasirhha II, mentioned above. It is difficult to say how he was related to Bhoja, the other Paramara ruler described by Nayachandra as defeated by Hammira at Dhara. Was he a rival ruler stationed there, or a nominee of the minister who had made himself the master of a part of Malwa ? We, personally, have no opinion to offer.

But Hammira was not the only digvijayin of the period. The Sultans of Delhi had similar ideals. Ranthambhor had been for a time, left to itself it was due to the fact that the Sultans were engaged elsewhere or were too weak to interfere.


[Page 125]:In 1290 A.D. there was a change in the dynasty at Delhi and with that also a change in the altitude of the Sultanate. The first Khalji Sultan Jalal-ud-din led in that year an army to Jhain which he captured after a stiff fight with Hammira's forces led by one Gurdas Saini who was slain in that action. From Jhain the Khalji forces advanced to Ranthambhor. The Sultan ordered manjaniks to be erected, sabats to be built, and the siege to be pressed with vigour; but as the task was far from easy, he retired soon after to Delhi without accomplishing his design. Jhain was recovered soon after by Hammira, for we find Jalal-d-ud-din leading his army once again against this fort in 1292 A.D., and this time without gaining any appreciable success.

In 1296 A.D. the weak Sultan jalal-ud-din had to make way for his nephew and murderer Ala-ud-din Khalji. Intoxicated by his success on every side, he conceived about 1298 A.D. the design of founding a new religion like Muhammad and conquering the whole world like a second Alexander. He gave up the first design, after some time, as impious; the second he modified


[Page 126]: by first concentrating his attention on the conquest of Ranthambhor, Chanderi, Dhar and Ujjain. And of these strongholds again, Ranthambhor received the earliest attention, partly on account of its pre-eminence as the seat of one of the strongest Hindu rulers, a descendant of the mighty Prthviraja III, and partly also on account of an incident which highly incensed the Sultan. Ala-ud-din's generals Ulugh Khan and Nasrat Khan had, while returning to Delhi after their conquest and plunder of Gujarat, provoked a mutiny near Jalor by demanding from the soldiery one-fifth of their spoil and by instituting inquisitorial enquiries about it. Muhammad Shah, a neo-Muslim leader of these rebels had, along with his brother and other followers, found refuge at Ranthambhor, and had not been, in spite of the Sultan's demand, surrendered to his tender mercies.

These events took place in the winter of 1299-1300 A.D.; a little later followed the retribution in the form of a Khalji attack on Ranthambhor. Both the Hammiramahakavya and the Surjanacharita state that Hammira was at the time engaged in certain religious rites. The Khalji general Ulugh Khan marched unopposed up to the river Banas; here, however, his further progress was barred by the Chauhan forces led by Hammira's general Bhimasimha. Had these kept themselves at the top of the pass leading to Ranthambhor, the Muslim forces might have been forced to retire baffled to Delhi. But Bhimasimha attacked them headlong, underestimating their strength. He gained some initial advantage too or at least thought that he had done so and was returning to the capital under the illusion that he had thoroughly beaten the Muslims, when his enemies, hearing the sound of their kettledrum, re-assembled and surrounded the Chauhan force, Bhimasimha fought bravely. But being outnumbered and out-generalled he was soon overpowered and slain.


[Page 127]: This defeat and death of Bhimasimha had some unforeseen consequences. As it was under the advice of the minister Dharmasimha that Bhimasimha had left his strong position on the hills, Hammira not merely rated the minister severely but had him castrated and blinded, saying that he was blind not to have seen the strength of the Muslim position and impotent as he had allowed Bhimasimha to die unaided. Hammira's natural brother Khadgavahika Bhoja now became the chief counsellor.

But Bhoja was no great financier. The wars against the Muslims had been extremely expensive. A big army was needed. Malwa could have provided some money. But with the Khaljis threatening Ranthambhor, it was not possible to move out and plunder other countries especially Malwa, parts of which had perhaps by that time passed under other powers. Bhoja's failure to provide financial means for a new army, which was, under the circumstances, urgently needed proved his undoing. Dharmasirhha, the blind and dismissed minister, who had been biding his time, offered through Dhara, the court-dancer, to raise as many horses as Hammira needed. Hammira accepted his offer, but in doing so signed his own death-warrant.

Dharmasimha kept his promise of finding money for the king's army. But the taxes that he laid on the people were so heavy and unfair that Hammira became unpopular. Acting under the blind minister's advice, again, he asked Bhoja to render a full account of his period of ministry. In other ways too Hammira made Bhoja's position so intolerable that the latter had with his brother Pithasimha to leave Ranthambhor. Hammmira, instead of being sorry, was glad that the brothers had gone away and gave Bhoja's post of dabdanayaka to a general named Ratipala.


[Page-130]:The insulted Bhoja joined Ala-ud-din-Khalji. BBhoja advised Khalji to attack before the crops ripe. They did so but got defeated. Later Ala-ud-din-Khalji himself assumed the command of the army.

Ala-ud-din's big army was now getting tired. Continuous failure and news of revolts in Delhi and Oudh had dispirited the soldiers. But such was the dread of the Sultan that none dared to set off for Delhi or any other place. The rainy season increased still further the difficulties of the besiegers, and it seemed that Ala-ud-din was making a genuine offer of peace when he wished Hammira's general Ratipala to be sent for preliminary negotiations to the Muslim camp. Ratipala was received with every mark of honour, regaled with the choicest of food and drink, and sent back fully convinced that if the Muslims ever captured the fort, it would be made over to him. Ratipala, therefore, returned a determined and dangerous traitor who, instead of reporting the real state of affairs in the Muslim camp, told Hammira that Ala-ud-din cared little for the losses that he had suffered and demanded the hand of the Raja's daughter. By a ruse, the details of which can be read in the Hammiramahakavya, he also succeeded in turning, another commander named Ranamalla against Hammira. A little after sunset, both these traitors got out of the fort and joined the enemy.

There was now little hope of Ala-ud-din's raising the siege. The Muslims' condition was bad enough. But they now knew that the condition of the besieged was even worse. Hammira had till then put up a brave show. But with traitors from Ranthambhor in the hostile camp, it was not easy to keep up false appearances. With starvation, therefore, staring him in the face, deserted by those who had once been his most trusted servants, and surrounded by people in whom he saw potential traitors and enemies,


[Page-131]: Hammira at length decided to perform the dreadful rite of jauhar, though not before offering to escort the Mongol leaders to a safe place. Hammira's queens and his daughter Devalladevi ascended the funeral pyre. The Muslim army saw these fires and knew what they meant.

Next Hammira had all his valuables thrown into the Padmasara, and crowning the Chauhan Jaja as his successor (for his own brother Virama refused to stay behind) he advanced to head of the pashib with some of his followers. Virama died fighting bravely. Hammira killed himself, on being in danger of falling into the hands of his enemies. Muhammad Shah, the neo-Nluslim chief, lay faint with wounds received in the cause of his friend when he was accidentally seen by Ala-ud-din who thus accosted him, "What wouldst thou do, if I order thy wounds to be attended to, and save thee from this imminent danger; and after this how wouldst thou behave?" "If I recover," replied the heroic Muhammad Shah, "I would have thee slain and raise the son of Hammiradeva to the throne." Angered by this retort, the Sultan had him placed under the foot of a rampant elephant and crushed to death. But he had him decently buried, because, at heart, he appreciated loyalty. Ratipala, Ranmalla, and other traitors received their true deserts. Ratipala was flayed alive. Ranamalla was put to death with all his followers, for, said Ala-ud-din, "those who have betrayed their natural sovereign will never be loyal to another."


[Page-132]: The Chauhan Jaja who stayed behind in the fort is said to have continued the resistance for two days more. Amir Khusrau gives the date of the fall of the fort as Tuesday, the 3rd Zil Qa'd. 700 A.H. corresponding to July 10, 1301 A.D. Nayachandra's date is two days later than this. This discrepancy can be removed, if we assume that Nayachandra's date is not of the death of Hammira but of the final evacuation of the fort by Jaja, which as noted already took place two days later. The city of Ranthambhor was, after its capture, sacked by the Muslim victors. The splendid temple of Bāhar Deo (Vagbhata) was razed to the ground along with many other splendid buildings. Uhlugh Khan was put in charge of the fort, but such was the deep hatred aroused by his cruelty, that he thought it best to stay in the suburbs.

Nayachandra extols Hammira for his generosity to Brahhmanas and respect for all schools of Indian philosophy including jainism. Both the Balvan Inscription and the Hammiramahakavya show that he patronised the poet Bijaditya. The Sarngadharapaddhati mentions Hammira as a pupil of the great scholar and poet Raghavadeva, the grandfather of the well-known anthologist Sharngadhara.

With Hammira ended the Chauhan kingdom of Ranthambhor. He was not a man without some serious faults; he had an ungovernable temper and his choice of servants was, to say the least, not good. We cannot also commend his wars with his neighbours with the Muslim danger ever present in the background. Towards the end of his reign, he was rendered unpopular by the heavy taxes laid on the people owing to the exigencies of war with the Khaljis. But the admiration for the gallant fight that he put up in the defence of his kingdom, the honour of his family, and the protection of the neo-Muslim chiefs who had taken refuge with him generally puts all these faults into the background, and one finds almost every lover of Rajasthani


[Page-133]: culture quoting, with readiness and some pride, the famous couplet,

सिंह-सवन सत्पुरुष-वचन कदलन फलत इक बार |
तिरिया-तेल हम्मीर-हठ चढ़े न दूजी बार ||
English translation: A lioness gives birth to a cub only once; once alone is the word of a good man given; once only does a plantain bear fruit; a woman is anointed only once with oil for marriage; and once alone did Hammira give his irrevocable promise.

As a warrior-king, Hammira perhaps could have desired no higher tribute than this.


Jajadeva minister and commander of Hammira

[Page-134]: Jāja, Jajā, Jajadeva, or Jajjalana, A minister and commander of Hammira of Ranthambhor - In the annals of Chauhan chivalry, there is scarcely a name better known than that of Hammira the hathi, ruler of Ranthambhor. The fight put up by him against Ala-ud-din Khalji, the tyrannical Sultan of Delhi, with a view to protecting the neo-Muslim leaders, Muhammad Shah and his brothers, who had taken refuge at the Ranthambhor court, has inspired many a poet of Sanskrit, Prakrta, Hindi as well as Rajasthani to sing his glory and offer the incense of admiration at the shrine of his memory. Of people, whom he had favoured, many deserted him. His chief general, Ratipala, and the finance minister Dharmasimha, proved traitors. In his last fight, Hammira was accompanied by only nine warriors, of whom four were not even his co-religionists. But besides these he had at least one more follower of undoubted loyalty, the Chahamana Jaja, Jaja, Jajadeva or Jajjala who was left behind to put up a last ditch fight for Ranthambhor.

The material for Jaja's life is extremely scanty. The Prakrtapingalam, a book on Prakrta prosody written some time in the fourteenth century, quotes five verses from some Apabhramsa poem dealing with Hammira's achievements. Of these two refer to Jajadeva; none, it might be noted, mentions even by name, the other ministers and generals of Hammira. This fact in itself should be testimony enough for Jajadeva's pre-eminent position in Hammira's kingdom. Had this Apabhramsa poem drawn upon by the Prakrtapailigalam come down to us, we might have received a full account of the great hero, Jaja. In its absence, all that we can present to our readers is an incomplete, though by no means incorrect sketch of his achievements, based on two extant apabhramsa verses and a few stray references from the Hammiramahakavya of Nayachandra Suri.


[Page-135]:According to the Hammiramahakavya, Jajadeva was one of the eight members of Hammira's (mantri) parishad. The Prakrtaapaingalam mentions him as Hammira's mantrivara, i.e., excellent minister. But it is not as a mantrin but as Hammira's brave general that he lives on in the minds of the people. When Alaudin, egged on by the traitor Bhoja, a natural brother of Hammira, sent Ulugh Khan against the kingdom of Ranthambhor, Jajaadeva was one of the eight generals who attacked and defeated the Khalji army in the Hinduvāṭ Pass. It was a well-executed piece of strategy. The Rajputs waited for the coming of darkness, and then fell on the Muslims from all directions, causing the greatest confusion in their camp. Hammira's brother, Virama, came from the east, Muhammad Shah from the west, Jajadeva from the south, and Garbharuka from the north. From the south-east, north-east, south-west, and north-wst, the attack was, respectively, directed by Ratipala, Ranamalla, Tichara, and Vaichara. Whoever the conceiver of the plan may have been, perhaps it was Hammira himself, it was thoroughly successful. With the cry of "Hammira", "Hammira", the Rjputs filled the ditch surrounding the camp, burnt the stockades, cut down the ropes or the tents, and caused such havoc that Ulugh Khan's army was soon on the run living behind all its war material, camp equipage and even the women.

Immediately after this victory the neo-Muslim leader, Muhammad Shah, sacked Jagarā, the jagir given to the traitor, Bhoja, by Ala-ud-din Khalji. And about the same time perhaps Hammmira and Jajadeva raided Delhi. The Chahamana warriors must have by then become well-known in the Khalji dominions. They had defeated even Ulugh Khan, the most skillful of A1a-ud-din's generals; they had made the captured Muslim women sell butter-milk in the countryside of Ranthambhor.

He was put in-charge of the jauharwhen all hopes were lost, of the fair ladies of his harem, his queens, his daughters, and other female relatives. Jajadeva discharged another duty of defending the fort for two days, even after the death of the ruler Hammira. (Dasharatha Sharma, p. 137)

Chauhans of Nadol

Genealogy of Nadol Chauhans

Reference - Epigraphia Indica Vol.IX By Kielhorn, pp.62-83

Another important dynasty of the Chauhans was that of Nadol, now a small town in Godwad region of Mewar. Its founder was Raval Lakha, Lakhana or Lakshmana. From the Sakambhari family there branched off, some fame in the first half of the 10th century A.D., another line of Chahamanas (or Chahumanas), which, was founded by the Sakambhari prince Lakshmana, and which for a long time had its seat of government at Naddula, the modern Nadol. About this branch of the family there we have following inscriptions:

A.Nadol Copper-plate inscription of the Maharaja Alhaṇadeva of A.D. 1161.

B. Nadol Plates of the Rajaputra Kirtipala V.S. 1218 (A.D. 1160): It records a grant by the Rājaputra (or King's son) Kirtipala, a son of Alhanadva of Naddula. In the town of Sakambhari there was formerly, in the Chahamana lineage, the king Vakpatiraja. His son was Lakshmana, who was king at Naddula; and his son was Sobhita. From him sprang Baliraja, and after him there ruled his paternal uncle Vigrahapala. Vigrahapala's son was Mahendra, his son Anahilla, and his son Jendraraja, from whom sprang Asaraja. His son was Alhaṇa, the lord of Naddula, who defeated the Saurashtrikas. This king married Annalladevi, a daughter of Aṇahula of the Rashṭrauḍa race, who bore to him three sons- Kelhana, Gajasimha, and Kirtipala. Of these, Kelhana, the eldest son, was made Kumara (or heir-apparent) and given a share in the government.

L.17 ff tells that Rājakula Alhanadeva and the Kumāra Kelhanadeva were pleased to give to the Rājaputra Kirtipala twelve villages appertaining to Naddulai And then, on Monday, the 5th of the dark half of Sravana of the year 1218. The twelve villages to which this order referred were 1.Naddulaigrama, 2.Sujera, 3.Ḍariji, 4.Kavilāḍa, 5.Sonāṇam, 6. Morakarā, 7. Haravandam, 8. Māḍada, 9. Kaṇasuvam, 10. Devasuri, 11. Nāḍaḍa, and 12. Mauvaḍi.

C. Sunda hill Inscription of Chachigadeva of V.S.1319 (A.D. 1262) tells us Genealogy of Chauhans of Nadol.

Genealogy of Nadol Chauhans :

The date given in verse 41 is Monday, the 9th of the dark half of Jyeshtha of the [Vikrama] year 1378. It corresponds to Monday, the 10th May A.D. 1322. As regards the genealogy given in this inscription, it is as under:

  • Then records that formerly there was the hero Chahamana, a source of joy to the great Rishi Vatsa (V.4). In his lineage there were :

Lakshmana to Jojaladeva

  • Lakshmana - The lord of Naddula, king Lakshmana, who was a Sakambhari prince (vv. 5 and 6). Lakshmana started from Shakambhari with two companions only, his wife and a Harijana, and at night took shelter in a temple outside Nadol. He fought against the Medas who had been terrorizing the country. This pleased Brahman Masters who gave him the job of guarding the town. He gradually built up a small band of troopers and kept Medas away from villages. With the blessings of his tutelary goddess he became master of 12000 horses and extended his dominion. Outside Nadol he built a great palace, with temple of his family goddess at its entrance. Of his numerous sons, some were by a Vaisya wife. They were put in-charge of royal stores and were known as Bhandagarika. [61]
  • Sobhita - His son Sobhita (v. 7); the Sohiya and Sobhita of A. and B. He took away the glory of the lord (or lords) of the mountain Arbuda. (V.6) The Sevadi plates of Ratnapala (V. 1176) call him the lord of Dhara.
  • Baliraja - His son Baliraja (vv. 7 and 8). He defeated an army of Munjaraja, i.e. the Paramara Vakpatiraja II. Amoghavarsha of Malava, for whom we possess dates from A.D. 974 to 993. He was defeated near Aghata (आघाट) and barely escaped with his life from the battle-field. his armies found shelter at Hastikundi. (See Beejapur Inscription of Rashtrakuta rulers Dhavala and Balaprasada, vers-10)[62]
  • Vigrahapala - Baliraja's successor was his uncle Vigrahapala, which does not occur in Ojha Grant 2 and Sundha Hill Inscription. He is, however, described as ruler in Mandor Inscription of Sahajapala, the Nadol plates of Kirtipala, the Nadol grant of Alhanadeva and line 10 ofOjha Grant 4. [63]
  • Mahendra - His paternal uncle's son Mahindu (v. 9). He is the Mahendra of A. and B., the son of Vigrahapala whose name is here omitted. He most probably is identical with the Mahendra or Mahindra (?) mentioned under No. 53 of my Northern list as a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta Dhavala of Hastikundi, whose inscription is dated in A.D.997. According to Beejapur Inscription of Rashtrakuta Dhavala of Hastikundi, Mahendrawas overpowered by the powerful armies of Durlabharaja (the younger brother of Vigraharaja II). In the inscription of Dadhichaka Chachchha, Durlabharaja is said to have conquered a country called Assossitana. The date of Mahendra's death is not known with exactness but he could not have died earlier than V. 1067, the date of accession of Durlabharaja Chalukya to whom his sister Durlabhadevi was married. [64]
  • Ashvapala - His son Ashvapala (vv. 10 and 11 ; omitted in A. and B.). Mahendra's successor was his son Ashvapala after him the idol of god Āsaleshvara is supposed to be named.
  • Ahila - His son Ahila (vv. 12 and 13 ; likewise omitted in A. and B.). In his reign there was a change in the foreign policy of Nadol, owing to the ambitious nature of Bhimadeva I (V. 1078-1120 c.) of Gujarat who, caring little for the ties of relationship, had attecked Nadol. He defeated an army of the Gurjara king Bhima, i.e. the Chaulukya Bhimadeva I, of Anahilapataka.
  • Anahilla - Ahila was succeeded by his paternal uncle Anahilla (vv. 14-17 ; in A. and B. described as the son of Mahendra). Mentioned in Ratnapala's Sevadi Plates (v.8), Kirtipala's Nadol Plates (v.4), Alhanadeva's Nadol Plates (v.4). Anahilla was the most successful and energetic rulers of the Nadol line. He successfully continued the war against Bhimadeva II of Gujarat whom he defeated at Pratishthana. He took away Sakambhari ; and slew (or defeated) Sādha, a general of the Malava king Bhoja (i.e. the Paramara Bhojadeva), and the terrible Turushka. The Turuksha might be either some general of Mahmud of Ghazni himself who left his capital on the 18th of October, 1025, with 30000 regular horsemen and many thousands volunteers to destroy the temples of Somanatha and passed through Multan, Lodrava in Jaisalmer state and Anahillapattana, the capital of Gujarat. [65]
  • Bālaprasāda - Anahilla's successor was his eldest son Bālaprasāda (vv. 18 and 19; omitted in B.). He forced the king Bhima of Gujarat (Bhimadeva I.) to release from prison a king named Krishnadeva. This Krishuadeva most probably is the Paramara Krishnaraja (the son of Dhaudhuka and grandson of (?) Devarāja), of whom we have two inscriptions at Bhinmal (Srimala), dated in A.D. 1060 and 1067 (Nos. 689 and 690 of my Northern List).
  • Jinduraja - His brother Jinduraja (vv. 20 and 21; the Jendrarāja of A. and B.). He is also known as Jesaladeva, Jendaraja and Jendrapala. He fought victoriously at Saṇḍera (the modern Sanderao in the Jodhpur State, south-west of Nadol). From the Ojha Grant 4, we find that the leader of the hostile force was none else other than Bhima , the old enemy of the Nadol Chauhans. (संप्राप्ते भीमसैन्यजलधौ ग्रामेत्र संडेरके) In the Sevadi copper plates of Ratnapala he is shown as giver of horses and gold (verse-10). He built temple known as Jenrarajeshvara. The Auwa Inscription of Khindrapala of V.1132 is believed to be of this ruler. [66]
  • Prithvipala - Jinduraja's son Prithvipala (vv. 22 and 23 ; omitted in B.). He defeated an army of the Gurjara king Karna, -i.e. Bhimadeva's son and successor Karna Trailokyamalla. Prithvipala attacked also a ruler named Mandalika "in the battle of Rohadavapika, " says Ojha Grant 4, "the subjects of Mandalika, struck with spearheads by Prithvipala troopers, left far away their shame, sons, wives as well as property, and fled away in all directions. This Mandalika obviously is Mandalika Paramara of Vagada for whom we have two inscriptions of V. 1116 and 1136. The locality Rohadavapika may have lain somewhere in Mandalika's domain. Prithvipala abolished certain taxes laid on farmers. (Verse 22, EI, IX, p. 78) He may have installed the deity Prithvipaleshvara.[67]
  • Jojaladeva - Prithvipala was not succeeded by his son Ratnapala but his brother Yojaka, Jojaka, or Jojaladeva (vv. 24 and 25 ; the Jojalla of A., omitted in B.). He by force occupied Anahillapura (Anahilapataka), with the white umbrella adding to his splendor. We have two inscriptions for Jojaladeva both of them dated V. 1147/1090 AD.

Asharaja to Alhanadeva

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 148-155

Asharaja - [Page-148]:Jojaldeva was succeeded by his younger brother Āśārāja, also known as Ashvarja (vv. 26-30 ; in B. described as the son of Jendrarāja). He pleased Siddhadhiraja, i.e. Karna's son and successor Jayasimha Siddharaja, by the assistance which he rendered to him in the country of Malava, but afterwards apparently was on hostile terms with him. With the account of Asaraja ends that part of the inscription which is on the first stone. The part on the second stone (after a symbol for Om) begins, as if it were an independent inscription, with a verse (v. 31) praying for the blessing of Sambhu (Siva), ' the crest of the Sugandhadri i.e. the mountain, Sugandha, which clearly is the Sundha Hill where the inscription was found. The author then continues the genealogy by stating that Asārāja'a son was Ahlādana.

Of his inscriptions, two, dated respectively in V.1167 and 1172, have been found at Sevadi (EI, XI, p.29f and EI, XI, p.31f). Dasharatha Sharma has done transcript of the third one (The Nanana grant of Alhana, A Feudatory of Kumarapala Chaulukya V. 1219 and 1220) which, he has called Ojha Grant 4 (See: Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, Appendix-G (iv), pp.207, Nadana Jodhan)

None of these records refers to Jayasimha Siddharaja of Gujarat. It may, therefore, be assumed that during the earlier part of his reign Asaraja was an independent prince. This period of independence ended before V. 1176. On the third of the dark half of Karttika V. 1173, Asaraja made a gift to the god Tripurusha. (See Ojha Grant 3, Line 9, Appendix G-iii for text:Nadana Jodhan) In Jyeshtha, V. 1176, we find his nephew Ratnapala, the rightful claimant to the throne after Prithvipala, making a grant from his camp at Nahura in the kingdom of Nadol (see EI, XI, p. 308 ff). As all the inscriptions in this kingdom for the next quarter of a century belong to Ratnapala's line, Asaraja must have been driven out from there somewhere between 1173 and 1176 V.E.

The rest of Asaraja's life was probably passed in the service Siddharaja Jayasimha. Obeying his orders, he went to Dhara, forced its master Naravarman to shut himself in the fort and so distinguished himself during the siege that Jayasimha granted him the high honour of using a golden kalasha on his tent (gupyad-guru). (Verse-26, EI, IX, p. 76) Asaraja's queen Delhanadevi, mother of Alhana, was a daughter of Rudrapala who is described in Ojha Grant 2 as ruler of the sacred Sarasvata land.(Line-23) Another queen Chandaladevi is mentioned in Ojha Grant-3. (Line 10 of the Grant; see Appendix G (iii) for the text See -Nadana Jodhan)


[Page-149]: Asaraja built the shrine of Chandaleshvara (Line-10, Appendix G-iii See Nadana Jodhan) , granted the village Pinchchhavalli to the Tripurusha temple, (Lines 12-13 of Ojha Grant-3:Nadana Jodhan) and built hundreds of free kitchens, tanks, gardens, temples dedicated to Siva, step-wells, wells, prapas, and religious houses. (Sundha Inscription, verse 29, EI, IX,p. 77) That his relations with the Jainas were cordial might be seen from the benefaction granted by his son Katukaraja to the temple of Viranatha at Sevadi. (See - Sevadi Inscription V.1172)

Ratnapala. Ratnapala was perhaps above thirty when he recovered his patrimony of Nadol in V. 1176. Before this too he had probably made an attempt to reconquer the kingdom, for the Ojha Grant-4 speaks of the recapture of Mandor by Asaraja from a relative who had made himself its master. (See lines 23-24, Appendix-H) He restored from his camp at Nahura in the kingdom of Nadol a grant previously made by Maharaja Jenduraja. (EI, XI, pp.308 ff) The Ojha Grant 3 styles him as Maharajadhiraja and states that he granted the village Riyasakudapa to the temple of Tripurushadeva. (Line-18)

Rayapala. For Rayapala, the son and successor of Ratnapala, we have seven inscriptions ranging from V.1189 to 1202. Of these five belong to Nadlai and two to Nadol. (See EI, XI, pp. 35f,38f,39f,41f) His independent position seems to be indicated not only by the absence of the name of Jayasimha Siddharaja from his inscriptions but also


[Page-150]:by his high sounding title Maharajadhiraja-Parameshvara. His administrative talent is testified to by the Nadol inscription of V.1198 according to which he exacted, from the Brahmanas assembled at Dhalop, a promise to find out, through the chaukadika or the police system of chaukis, the things lost (on the road) by pilgrims, traders, and sons of state-servants. If the thing was lost within their village or jurisdiction, they were required - to restore it. The villagers supplied the police, and the king, the weapons. (Nadol Inscription V. 1198, EI, XI, pp.39-40)

Somewhere between V. 1198 and 1200, the line of Asaraja made itself once again master of Nadol, probably with the help of the Chaulukya ruler Jayasimha Siddharaja. An inscription of (Simha) Samvat, 31, i.e., V.1200 shows Asaraja's eldest son Maharadhiraja Katudeva issuing a grant from Nadol and his son Jayatasiha enjoying the bhukti of Sevadi. (EI, XI, pp.33-34) Katudeva perhaps died the same year, because the Bali Stone Inscription of V.1200 speaks of the mahamatya Asvaka "subsisting on the lotus-like feet of Maharajadhiraja shri-Jayatasihadeva (EI, XI, pp.33), who is obviously Katudeva's son and successor. Jayatasiha's queen was named Tihunaka. Rayapala was not, however, a man to give in so easily. Profiting by the death of Jayasirhha Siddharaja, a friend of the rival line, he recovered at least a part of his patrimony, for this alone could have enabled him to issue his grant of V.1202 from Nadlai in the kingdom of Nadol. (EI, XI, pp.43)


[Page-151]:Rayapala had two queens Padmaladevi, mother of Sahajapala and Sahanapala, and Manaladevi, the mother of Rudrapala and Amritapala. For Rudrapala and Amritapala and their mother Manaladevi see the Nadlai stone-inscription of V. 1189 (EI, XI, p. 35f.). For the two other princes and their mother see Ojha Grant 3 (Nadana Jodhan) . Sahanapala made a grant in Karttika, V. 1192. The deities Padmaleshvara, Sahanapaleshvara, and Sahajapaleshvara were named after Queen Padmala and her two sons, and were installed before V. 1192. In this year maharajaputra kumvara Sahanapaladeva made a grant to them.

Sahajapala. Rayapala was succeeded by his son Sahajapala for whom we have a fragmentary inscription from Mandor. He probably lost his throne as a result of the Chaulukya success in the first round of the war between Arnoraja of Sakambhari and Kumarapala of Gujarat, to which we have referred at some length in a previous chapter (Ch. V). He was replaced by Asaraja's son Alhana somewhere between V. 1202 and 1205. In the latter of these years Alhana is mentioned as Maharajadhiraja in a benefaction that he made to the temple of Tripurusha at Nadol. (Ojha Grant 3, Line23, See Appendix G (iii) for text – Nadana Jodhan

Alhana - For Alhana we have six inscriptions ranging from V. 1209 to 1220.

  • 1. Kiradu Stone-inscription, V. 1209 (EI, XI, pp .43-46)
  • 2. Nadol Grant 1, V. 1218 (EI, IX, pp .63-66)
  • 3. Nadol Grant 2, V. 1218 (EI, IX, pp .66-70)
  • 4. Jhamwera inscription (JPASB, xii, pp. 102 ff)
  • 5. Ojha Grant 2 (see Appendix F for its text), and the
  • 6. Bamnera Grant of V. 1220 (EI, XII, pp .208ff.)

Of these the last has been wrongly ascribed by the editor to Kelhana. The mistake has been copied by Drs. D.R. Bhanclarkar and H.C. Ray. Kelhana is mentioned merely as a Kumvara there. The rajya was that of his father Alhana. These combined with other contemporary records, specially those discovered by Dr. G.H. Ojha, give us a good idea of his chequered history. In or before V. 1205 he had, as we have seen, made himself, somehow, master of Nadol. But in V. 1209 we find him ruling not at Nadol but over the three towns of Kiratakupa, Ratahrada and Siva granted to him by


[Page-152]:Kumarapala Chaulukya. (See his Kiradu inscription) Kiritakupa is Kiradu, Ratahrada is modern Raddhara, and Siva is Seo. All the three are in the western part of the modern Jodhpur division of Rajasthan.

As the Chaulukyas had, while advancing against Ajmer, in V. 1207 to capture Palli, one of the strongest forts in the principality of Nadol, it might be assumed that Arnoraja had in V. 1206 or so driven out the Chaulukya feudatory Alhana from his ancestral possession. Arnoraja's defeat at the hands of Kumarapala freed Nadol from the hands of the Chauhans of Sakambhari. Kumarapala could have now, if he so desired, restored Alhana to his throne at Nadol. But instead of doing so, he gave him the three towns in Marwar named above, keeping Nadol under his direct control for a while. A little later he put it under his dandadhisha Vaijalladeva Chauhan, his reason for this perhaps being the desire to have it under someone who could withstand the mighty Vigraharaja IV of Sakambhari.

We have the following inscriptions for Vaijalladeva:

  • (i) a stone inscription at Sevadi, V. 1213.
  • (ii) a stone inscription at Ghanerav, V. 1213.
  • (iii) a stone inscription at Bali, V. 1216.
  • (iv) an inscription of the reign of the Chaulukya ruler, Ajayapala, dated in the V. 1231, mentioning Vaijalladeva as a mahamandaleshvara and Chauhuyana, i.e. a Chauhan.

But Alhana himself would not have been a bad choice for the job. He participated in many Chaulukya campaigns. In Saurashtra where Kumarapala's army found itself in sore straits on being surrounded by the hostile Abhiras on all sides, Alhana


[Page-153]:gained a splendid victory by slaying the Abhira leader Saumsara (Also called Samvara). Such a success, indeed, was badly needed, for Saumsara had slain the Chaulukya general, Udayana; and Kumarapala's army, unless immediately relieved, ran the risk of annihilation. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji puts the event in V. 1205. But it would be better to date it somewhere between V. 1209 and 1211. Had it occurred earlier than V. 1209, it would have been referred to in Alhana's inscription of that year. Its occurrence after V. 1211, of course, is impossible, because by that time Udayana, the general to whose help Alhana had rushed, was no more. Udayana's son, Vagbhata, not merely occupied his position as a minister in V. 1211 but had completed also the repairs vowed by Udayana a few days before his death.

In due course these meritorious services must have put Alhana in the good books of Kumarapala. (Verse-32 Sundha Inscription) Vaijalladeva Chauuhan, the dandadhisha of Nadol, had not been very successful against Vigraharaja IV of Sakambhari who "reduced Pali to the condition of a small hamlet and Nadol to that of a bed of reeds"." Equally unsuccessful perhaps had been another Chaulukya officer, the Naduliya Chahamana Kuntapala. Vaijalladeva was therefore transferred to some other district, probably to Gambhuta-vishaya, and Alhana, the successful warrior and unfailling ally of the Chaulukyas, was rewarded with the restoration ·of his hereditary principality of Nadol. Rightly therefore, could


[Page-154] His son, Kirtipala, claim that Alhana secured the glory of maharajya through his own valour. (Verse 5, EI, IX, p. 69). The jagir of Kiratakapa, Latahrada and Seo, which he had hitherto enjoyed, was now transferred to its hereditary owner, Someshvara Paramara, who also had rendered good service to Kumarapala in more than one campaign. Alhana built a temple of Siva at Nadol (Sundha Inscription, verse:32, EI, IX, p. 77) and granted valuable benefactions to the gods Chandalesvara and Tripurusha and to the goddess Gauri installed by his queen Sankaradevi (Ojha Grant 3). Nor was his charity merely confined to the orthodox Hindus. He gave a monthly grant to the Mahavira temple at Nadol (EI, IX, p. 64f ) and his proclamation of the non-slaughter of animals shows that he knew how to respect the religious sentiments of his Jaina subjects. (See his Kiradu Inscription, EI, XI, p. 44ff)

Analladevi, a daughter of Sahula was mother of his three sons Kelhana, Gajasimha, and Kirtipala.( Ojha Grant 3, EI, IX, p. 69). Nainsi makes him the father of one more son, Vijayasimha, who founded the Satyapura line of Chauhans (khyat I, p. 172). The Bamnera Grant mentions one Maharajaputra Kumarasimha who held the village of Koreta in jagir. (EI, XIII, p. 208. In the inscription of Kelhana he is a Raja) Kelhana's Osia inscription of V. 1235 shows that he was Kelhana's son, and was known also by his title as Simhavikrama.

Alhana gave his two sons Kelhana and Gajasimha a share in government as early as V. 1209. (See Kiradu inscription, V. 1209) Gajasimha was later on transferred to the government of Mandor (JPASB, XII, p.102 ff) which Alhana captured from his relative Sahajapala. He wanted it to be in the safe and strong hands of his son. Kelhana remained with his father and


[Page-155] was appointed yuvaraja. (See Kirtipala’s Nadol plates, EI,IX, pp. 68 ff) Kirtipala, the third son, was granted twelve villages, including Naddulai. Towards the end of Allhana's reign he seems to have shared with his father and yuvaraja Kelhana the government of Nadol, as evidenced by the Bamnera Grant of V. 1220 of which he was an approver (See EI, XIII, p. 208). In V. 1225 (?) he helped Kumarasimha in administering Mandor and enjoyed himself a jagir which included Osia. (See Osia Inscription).

Alhana died somewhere between Sravana, V. 1202 and Magha, V. 1221.

Kelhana and his successors

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 156-160

Kelhana - Alhana's eldest son was Kelhana (v. 34). He defeated the southern king Bhilima, and after destroying the Turushka erected a golden torana, ' like a diadem for the abode of the holy Somesa.' For the Mahārājādhirdja Kelhana Kielhorn has given above, p. 68, note 1, a date ie A.D. 1165. The southern king Bhilima, whom he is said to have defeated, must have been the Devagiri-Yadava Bhillama, whose Gadag inscription is dated in A.D. 1191 (No. 334 of my southern List).

[Page-156] For Alhana's eldest son and successor Kelhana, we have sixteen inscriptions ranging from V. 1221 to 1250. These are:

  • 1. Sanderav Inscription (V. 1221 ).
  • 2. Bamnera Grant I (V. 1223 ),
  • 3. Bamnera Grant II (undated),
  • 4. Nadol inscription (V. 1223),
  • 5. Sadadi inscription (V. 1224),
  • 6. Jhramvera inscription (V. 1227),
  • 7. Nadlai inscription (V. 1228),
  • 8. Panchadevali (Sirohi) inscription (V. 1231),
  • 9. Lalrai inscription I (V. 1233).
  • 10. Lalrai inscription 2 (V. 1233).
  • 11. Osia inscription (V. 1236),
  • 12. Sandera inscription (V. 1236),
  • 13. Pala inscription (V. 1241),
  • 14. Paladi inscription (V. 1249),
  • 15. Pal inscription 2 (V. 1250),
  • 16. Osia inscription (V. 125).

That he was associated with his father in the work of government as early as V. 1209 has been shown above. In V. 1218 he had been recognised as heir-apparent, and in V. 1220 we find the Bamnera inscription issued in his name and his father Alhana. This clearly shows the prominent position that he had in the administration of the kingdom. According to Jinamandana, he was one of the chiefs opposed to Arnoraja but rather indifferently loyal to Kumarapala. This would indicate that he had come to the fore even earlier than V. 1209 i.e. about V. 1207, the probable year of the second fight between Arnoraja of Sakambhari and Kumarapala Chaulukya of Gujarat.

It is not very often that Kelhana's inscriptions mention his overlord. The Jhamvera record gives him even the title Mahararadhiraja-Paramesvara borne generally by independent sovereign. He must therefore have been a very strong ruler. But that he continued to recognise Chaulukya supremacy, at least up to V. 1228, is clear from the Nadlai Stone inscription of the year which refers itself to “the victorious reign of Kumarapala when Kelhana was ruling at Nadol." In V. 1235 also, he acknowledged fealty to the Chaulukyas, because Nadol was, at the time of Muhammad Ghori's invasion of Gujarat, regarded as a Gurjara


[Page-157] fort captured by the Muslims. Whether he did so later on in the reign of the weak Bhimadeva II is a bit doubtful.

We can have some idea of the extent of Kelhana's kingdom and the system of his administration from his numerous inscriptions. In the south his dominions extended at least as far as Paladi, a village in the Sirohi State which he put under his son Jayatasimha. (See Kelhana’s Paladi Inscription) Mandavyapura, the northern outpost of the kingdom, which had been in Alhana's reign under Kelhana's younger brother Gajasimha, was respectively in V. 1241 and 1250 under Kelhana's sons Kumarasimha Simhavikrama and Sodha (See Kelhana’s Pala Inscription). Sanderaka, the western outpost was in the bhukti of Queen Jalhanadevi, and Godwad was directly administered by Kelhana himself. Paladi and Mandavyapura seem to have been regular centres of provincial government, as evidenced by the stationing of a mahamatya in the former place with a view to assisting the kunwara in the administration of the division (Paladi inscription names Minister as Vilhana).

The chief events of Kelhana's reign were his battles with the Yadava Bhillima, the ruler of Devagiri, and Muhammad Ghori, the well-known Muslim conqueror of northern India. In both of these actions he probably fought as a subordinate of the Gujarat rulers. Bhillima invaded the Gurjara dominions before 1189 A.D. (Bhillima was the Yadava ruler of Devagiri (c. 1187-1191 A.D.), say, somewhere between 1187, the year of his succession, and 1189 A.D., the year of his Mutugi inscriptions. As both the sides claim a victory, the fight may not have been very decisive in its character. Sundha inscription, verse 34, mentions Kelhana as having defeated Bhillima, the lord of the southern quarter. The Mutgi inscription, on the other hand, mentions Bhillima as "the dread roar of cloud to the flocks of those swans, the Gurjaras", under whose standard alone Kelhana could have fought against the Yadavas. His own dominions never touched theirs.

The fight with Muhammad Ghori took place in 1178 A.D. when the Muslims, advancing by way of Multan


[Page-158] Uchchha and Kiradu captured Nadol, the capital of Kelhana. On reaching near Abu the Muslims found themselves opposed by the combined forces of Kelhana, his younger brother Kirtipala, Dharavarsha, the Paramara ruler of Abu, and their overlord Bhimadeva II. The Sundha Inscription puts the scene of battle at Kasahrada, modern Kayadran of the Sirohi State (Sundha Inscription, Verse-36), a village about four miles from the Kivarli station on the Western Railway. The Gurjara army stationed itself at the mouth of the pass, and on being attacked, defeated the Muslim army and wounded their leader Muhammad Ghori. It was a decisive Victory, for it kept away the Muslims from Hindustan for nearly thirteen years.

Kelhana died before V.1251. We know of his two daughters, one Sringaradevi who was married to Dharavarsha, the Paramara ruler of Mount Abu, and the other, Alhanadevi, a queen of the Pratihara chief, Vigraha, of Gwalior. The Lalrai Inscription mentions Kelhana's queen, Mahibaladevi (El, XI, p. 49 f) and Jalhanadevi is known from Sanderav Inscription. (El, XI, p. 52). We have mentioned above some of his sons (See p.157). Another son, Maharajaputra Chamundaraya ruled at Mandor in V. 1227. Of Kelhana's grandsons Ajayasimha, son of Kumvarasimha, enjoyed a jagir at Bamnera, and Lakhanapala and Sonapala, sons of Kirtipala, were jagirdars of Sonana.

Jayatasimha - Kelhana was succeeded by his son Jayatasimha. In the Sadadi inscription of V. 1251, he is mentioned as


[Page-159] Mabarajadhiraja Jayatashmha, son of Kelhana. (Noticed by Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar, EI, XI, p. 73.) We cannot agree with Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar's identification of this Jaytasimha with the Jayatasimha of the Bhinmal inscription of V. 1239, (ibid) because the Nadol kingdom never included Bhinmal. On the west it extended as far as Sanderav, after which began the kingdom of Jalor; and even Jalor did not include Bhinmal before Udayasimha's reign.

In 1196 A.D. the Mers tried to expel the Muslims from Ajmer. Qutbuddin Aibak, who rushed to the help of the beleaguered garrison, was himself defeated by the combined force of the Mers and the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and forced to shut himself up in the fort and sustain a siege. Timely arrival of reinforcements from Ghazna saved the situation, and enabled the Muslims in their turn to assume the offensive. The Chaulukya feudatory, Jayatasimha vacated his forts of Pali and Nadol and joining hands with Dharavarsha Paramara of Abu and his equally renowned brother, Palhana or Prahladana, faced the Muslim army in a pass near Abu.

Had the Hindu army stayed there, the Muslims might have retired without striking a blow. It was here that Muhammad Ghori had been defeated and wounded eighteen years back; the Muslims had no desire to see the same fate befalling their commander, Qutbuddin Aibak. But mistaking this natural disinclination of the Muslims to advance for weakness, Jayatsimha and his friends abandoned their advantageous position and moved on to the plains where they were defeated after a fight lasting from early dawn till midday. Many Hindu leaders


[Page-160]were slain or taken prisoners. Jayatasimha might have been one of them.

Samantasimha - For the years V. 1256-1258, we have five inscriptions of Maharaja Samantasimha, three at Bamnera (Jodhpur Division), one at Uthman (Sirohi), and one at Sanderav (Jodhpur). Considering their dates, as well as their provenance, i.e., the principality of Nadol, we prefer ascribing them to Samantasimha of Nadol, a probable successor of Jayatasimha than to Guhila Samantasimha of Mewar - Dungarpur for whom we have two inscriptions, both of them near the DungarpurMewar border and dated in the Vlkrama years 1228 and 1236.

In V. 1283 the territory near Nana was under one Chahama (Chahamana) Dhamdhaladeva, son of Visadhavala, a feudatory of Bhimadeva II. His relationship to Jayatasimha and Samantasimha is unknown.

Somewhere between. V. 1262 and V. 1314, probably before V. 1288, Nadol passed into the hands of Udayasimha of Jalor.


Chauhans of Jalor

Chauhans of Jalor
Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 161-191

Kirtipala (vv. 35 and 36) defeated a Kirātakuta chief named Asala, and at Kasahrada routed an army of the Turushka. As ruler of the kingdom of Naddula he took up his residence at Javalipura. Of the places here mentioned Kirātakuta is Kiradu, according to, Bhavnagar Inscr. p. 172, 3 'a small village near Hathamo under Barmer'. Javalipura, to which Kirtipala transferred his residence, is the town of Jalor in the same State. A place named Kasahrada has been identified by the late Prof. Buhler with Kasandra or Kasandhra, a village on the road from Dholka to Palitana,in Long. 72-11', Lat. 22- 19'; but the Kasahrada of this inscription may be a different place nearer Nadol.

Dasharatha Sharma [Page-161] writes that the founder of the Jalor line of the Chauhans was Kirtipala, the youngest of the three sons of Alhana and Annalladevi. The heir-apparent Kelhana and the ruler Alhana had either in V. 1218 or earlier granted him twelve villages of which Naddulai was the chief. (EI., Vol. IX, pp. 68 ff) In the year V. 1220 he seems to have been given also some share in the government of the Nadol kingdom, for we find him countersigning and approving a grant made by Ajayasi, son of Maharajaputra Kumarasi. (EI, Vol. XIII, p. 208. The grant is, as shown above, not one of Kalhana but of Alhana). The same participation is proved by the Osian inscription of V. 1235 which mentions Kirtipala as Najyavahaka while Kelhana's son, Kumarasimha Simhavikrama ruled over Mandavyapura and Kirtipala had Osian as his bhukti. In the Sundha inscription he is called the lord of Nadol. (श्रीजाबालिपुरे स्थितिं व्यरचयन्नड्डूल-राजेश्वर:) This besides implying that he was a prince of the Nadol branch, perhaps points also to the share he had once in the government of his father. But he no longer counter signs or approves, nor is he found in charge of any post in the kingdom. In V. 1235, as shown above, he helped Kumarasimha in bearing the burden of government. Further as we find that even Sonana, one of the twelve villages of Kunralars jagir in V. 1218 and the possession of his sons Abhayapala and Lakhanapala in V. 1233, had been assigned to a Thakura named Anasiha (EI, XI, p.48), who perhaps had no connection whatsoever with Kirtipala, it would perhaps not be wrong to conclude that the ruler could transfer a prince from one jagir to another. The two brothers do not seem after all to have been very cordial. Though the system left all the power to Kirtipala, it did not satisfy him a man of ambitious and adventurous nature, to seek his fortunes elsewhere.


[Page-162] In Mewar of those days he found a ready field for the full exercise of his superabundant energy and intellect. Its ruler Samantasimha though extremely brave as well as handsome, had created enemies for himself both inside and outside his kingdom. He turned the nobles against himself by forfeiting their jagirs, and rendered the Chaulukyas of Gujarat hostile to himself by wounding their ruler Ajayapala in a battle fought about V. 1232. Kirtipala realised fully the advantages offered by such a situation for an invader. Discontented perhaps with his lot at Nadol and also egged on and partly helped by the Chaulukyas who were eager to see Samantasimha punished the insult to their arms, he attacked Mewar and drove out Samantasimha from there before V. 1236. But however discontented the nobles of Mewar might have been, they do not appear to have liked the idea of being ruled by a rank outside like Kirtipala. So, coming together, they offered the throne to Samantasimha’s younger brother Kumarasimha who proved himself


[Page-163] not merely a good leader but also an astute politician, for he won-over to his side his old enemies, the Chaulukyas, and succeeded with their help in ousting Kirtipala from the territory of Mewar.

Kirtipala could have hardly relished this sort of behaviour on the part of the Chaulukya ruler whom till then, perhaps, he had been regarding as his best supporter and whom he had helped in routing the forces of Muhammad Ghori in the stiffly fought battle of Kasahrada (V. 1235). What he naturally expected was gratitude and the recognition of his title to the new conquest. But the Chaulukyas had not, in all likelihood, after the first flush of joy at the defeat of their enemy Samanatasimha, ever liked the idea of Mewar being in the hands of an ambitious and energetic Prince like Kirtipala and hence recognised instead the claims ,of Kumarasimha. Highly incensed by this ingratitude and partiality for his enemy, Kirtipala seems to have disowned the allegiance to the Chaulukya throne in the latter part of his reign.

On the basis of this supposition alone can we explain his attacks on territories included at the time in the Chaulukya empire and also the complete absence of the names of the rulers of Gujarat in the records of the rulers of Jalor. Kirtipala was the first Jalor ruler to initiate an anti-Chaulukya policy. His successors merely followed in his footsteps. Kiradu or Kiratakuta whose ruler Asala is mentioned in the Sundha inscription as wounded by Kirtipila's arrows was a Chaulukya dependency. In V. 1209 and 1218, its rulers are mentioned as recognising the suzerainty


[Page-164] of Kumarapala, In V. 1235, it was ruled by Madanabrahmadeva, a feudatory of Bhimadeva II. Asala was probably Madanabrahma's successor. Similarly Javalipura or Jalor which Kirtipala attacked and conquered and which became the capital of his new kingdom was a Paramara dependency in Kumarapala's reign. Kumarapala built there a temple called Kuvaravihara, (EI, XI, p. 55f) and Vigraharaja IV of Sapadalaksha burnt it (Jalor) while fighting a war of vengeance against the Chaulukyas. It continued in the hands of the Chaulukyan feudatories approximately up to V. 1238 when Kirtipala captured it.

According to Nainsi, Jalor and Siwana, ruled respectively by the Paramaras Kuntapala and Viranarayana, were betrayed into Kirtipala's hands by their own servants the Dahiyas (Khyat,I, p.152) and epigraphic evidence supports Nainsi as regards the name of the dynasty which held sway at Jalor at the time of its capture by the Chahamanas. Visala Paramara's inscription found in the topkhana at Jalor gives the names of six Paramara rulers (The six rulers named are Vakpatiraja, Chandana, Devaraja, Vijjala, Dharavarsha and Visala), of whom the last, Visala, was ruling there in V. 1174. Kuntapala was probably a descendant of this Visala. That he was most probably a feudatory of the Chaulukyas can be assumed on the basis of the evidence adduced in the last paragraph.

As the first record of the successor of Kirtipala belongs to V. 1239, Kirtipala must have died in this year or thereabouts. He was an ambitious, energetic and extremely resourceful person. It was no mean achievement for a younger scion of a feudatory family to have carved out for himself a kingdom in that hilly tract of Mewar which in future resisted for years even the great might of the Mughals of Delhi; and the achievement was still greater when, on being compelled by circumstances to evacuate it, he had resource and courage enough to lay the foundations of another kingdom almost equal in strength to that ruled over by his elder brother Kelhana; and that too most --- [Page-165] probably by, acting against the mighty Chaulukya power which had shown its strength not merely by evicting Kirtipala from Mewar but also measured swords successfully with the redoubtable to Muhammad Ghori. That Kirtipala was one of the best generals of his time would be obvious enough if we consider his achievements even cursorily. That he was a good orthodox Hindu and at the same time a tolerant ruler is shown by his grant of V. 1218 (See EI, IX, p. 66 ff ) were he is represented as worshipping the well-known Hindu deities Surya and Maheshvara, offering oblations to the sacred fire and then granting a benefaction to the Jain temple of Mahavira. His fame outlived his times. The well known chronicler Nainsi says that "Kitu was a great Rajput". This is the, highest form of praise that he gives to any ruler. (Khyat, I, p. 152)

Samarasimha - Kirtipala's son and successor was Samarasimha (vv. 37-40). He built extensive ramparts on the Kanakāchala (or 'gold hill') and founded the town of Samarapura (?). This town I am unable to identify. Kanakāchala according to Mr. Ojha is the name of the fort of Jalor which, is locally known as 'Sonalgarh,' and the Sauvarna-giri of Javalipura Kielhorn finds actually mentioned in an inscription on Mount Abu. In an inscription of the [Vikrama] year 1221, from which Mr. Ojha has sent Kielhorn a quotation, it is called Kānchana-gadha. Samarasimha clearly is the Chāhu[māna]-rāna[ka]--Samarasiha, whose daughter Liladevi was the queen of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.

Dasharatha Sharma [Page-165] writes that for Kirtipala's son and successor Samarasimha, we have two inscriptions at Jalor, dated respectively in the Vikrama years 1239 and 1256. The first refers to the rajya chintaka Rajaputra 'Jojala, the maternal uncle of Samarasimha who had put down the disturbances caused by the bandits of Pilvahika (See EI, XI, pp. 53-54. ) These marauders are identified by Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar with the Bavris of Pilva, a village of the Parbatsar district of the Jodhpur State. The second inscription, besides supplying two Important dates, V. 1242 and V. 1256, for Samarasimha's reign, shows that the vidhichaitya movement which illiberal rulers like Jojaladeva of Nadol had tried to strangle, had since then grown greatly in strength and was sponsored by strong rulers like Kumarapala and Samarasimha.

The Sundha Inscription describes Samarasimha as fond of building, friendly towards the learned, and very charitable. He gave many tuladanas (Sundha Inscription verse-40) and built extensive ramparts on the Kanakachala or Suvarnagiri at Jalor, equipping them with machines of many kinds, storehouses and battlements of the Vidyadhari


[Page-166] type. (Sundha inscription, verse 38) He built also a town named Samarapura which he beautified with (ibid, Verse 40) gardens. His sister Rudaladevi built at Jalor two temples dedicated to Siva. (ibid, Verse 41) Bhandari Yashovira, repaired the temple called Kunvara vihara by his orders. (EI, XI, p.55)

Samarasimha must have died before V. 1262, the date of the first inscription of his son and successor Udayasimha. He had also an elder son named Manavasimha whose descendants were founders of the Chauhan kingdom of Chandravati and Mount Abu. (See the Achalgarh Inscription of Luntigadeva, vrese-20)


Udayasimha

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 167-175

Udayasimha (V. 1262 - V.1314) - Samarasimha's son and successor was Udayasimha (vv. 42-46). According to the prose passage in lines 35 and 36 in Sundha Inscription he ruled 'the glorious Naddula, the glorious Javalipura, Mandavyapura, Vagbhatameru, Surāchanḍa, Rāṭahrada, Kheḍa, Rāmasainya, Shrimala, Ratanpura Jalor, Satyapura, and other places.' With the exception of Mandavyapura and Ratahrada the places here enumerated are easily found on the map of the Rajputana Agency (in Marwar) under the names Nadol, Jalor, Barmer, Surachand, Kher (between Tilwara and Balotra), Ramseen, Bhinmal, Ratanpura Jalor and Sanchor. Mandavyapura is Mandor, according to the Rājputāna Gazetteer three miles from Jodhpur ; Ratahrada could not be identified by Kielhorn. (Note: Radadhara in Malani, Barmer) Udayasimha's queen was Prahlādanadevi, who bore to him two sons Chāchigadeva and Chamundaraja. Regarding his exploits, the inscription states in a general way that he curbed the pride of the Turushka, was not to be conquered by the Gurjara kings, and put an end to the Sindhu king. He was a scholar conversant with the great works of Bharata and others, and built two Siva temples at Juvalipura. Udayasimha clearly is identical with the Mahāraja-dhirāja Udayasimhadeva of whose reign we have three inscriptions at Bhinmal (Nos. 697-699 of my Northern List) dated in the [Vikrama] years 1262, 1274 and 1305, corresponding to about A.D. 1205, A.D. 1218, and about A.D. 1248 ; and also with the Mahārājakula Udayasimhadeva, for whom Kielhorn has given a date, falling in A.D. 1249, in Ind. Ant. āol. XIX. p. 175, No. 115.

Dasharatha Sharma [Page-167] writes that for Udayasimha, the successor of Samarasimha, we have four Bhinmal inscriptions, dated respectively in the Vikrama years 1262, 1274, 1305, and 1306. Dated in the last of these years is also a manuscript of the Nirbhayabhimavyayoga of Ramachandra.(EI, XI, p.76) It was long believed on the basis of these references that the latest date of Udayasimha was approximately V. 1306. But recently the discovery of the Kharataragachchhapattavali begun by Jinapila and continued by his successors enables us to push forward the date by nearly eight years. The book contains two notices of this important ruler, dated respectively in the Vikrama years 1310 and 1314. In all, Udayasimha might thus be taken to have ruled for nearly 52 years.

From the Sundha Inscription we learn that Udayasimha was the lord of the districts of Naddula, Jabalipura, Mandavyapura, Vagbhatameru, Surachanda, Ratahrada, Kheda, Ramasainya, Shrimala, Ratanpura Jalor, Satyapura, etc. Of these Jabalipura or Jalor had been the capital of Udayasimha's ancestors since the days of Kirtipala. Naddula was probably conquered from the Muslims during the rule of the weak Aram Shah. Mandavyapura or Mandor had been, as already shown, once the outpost of the kingdom of Nadol. Udayasimha probably conquered it at the same time as Nadol. Iltutmish recaptured it in 1226 A.D. After remaining in the hands of the Muslims at least upto 1242 A.D. it passed once again into Chauhan possession, for it had to be reconquered in 1294 A.D. by Jalaluddin Khalji.


[Page-168] Vagbhatameru or Bahadmer was, according to Nainsi, once the seat of a Paramara principality (Khat, I, p. 233). Kiradu, which is only a few miles from it, was in V. 1218 under Someshvara Paramara, in V. 1235 under Maharajaputra Madanabrahmadeva, and thereafter under Asala. Is it not likely that Bahadmer too might have been under this Paramara principality of Kiradu before its capture by the Chauhanss. Satyapura was, according to Nainsi, captured from the Dahiyas by Vijayasimha Chauhan, son of Alhana. As Salha, a great-grandson of Vijayasimha, was a contemporary and samanta of Udayasimha's great grandson Kanhadadeva, Vijayasimha may have been Udayasimha's feudatory and the son of an Alhana different from Alhana, the ruler of Nadol. Ratahrada, later on known as Radadhara, was situated in the same tract as the other Paramara principalities mentioned above. Kheda is the well known town of this name situated near the bend of the river Luni. Ramasainya is the modern Ramseen. Ratanpura was under a chief named Punapakakshadeva in the reign of Kumarapala Chaulukya. It must have been conquered from some one of his successors by the Chauhans.

All these places had once been in the empire of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. How they actually passed out of their hands is not clear. But some of these, perhaps, were surrendered about V. 1278, Most probably the western districts of the dominions described in the Sundha Inscription passed into his hands as a result of the revolt in V. 1278, when Lavanaprasada the all-powerful minister of Gujarat, and his son Viradhavala had to fight against the Yadava ruler Simhana who had crossed the River Tapti and was laying waste the Gurjara lands near Broach. Udayasimha formed a powerful confederacy consisting of the Guhilas of Mewar, the Paramaras of Chandravati, the rulers of Godraha and Lata, and four important Marwar rulers including himself


[Page-169] and attacked Lavanaprasada's territory from the rear. According to the Sukrtakirtikallolini (v. 75), Lavanaprasada was on hostile terms with the rulers of Mewar and Chandravati. The Kirtikaumudi (II, 69) speaks of his wounding the ruler of Nadol in battle. So the four Marwar princes who according to the Kirtikaumudi, opposed Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala must have naturally included these three. (See also the Hammiramadamardana, p. 11). Lavanaprasada tried to save the situation by concluding treaties with Simha of Broach and Simhana Yadava of Devagiri and turning almost immediately northwards to fight against the Marwar confederacy. In the fight that followed Udayasimha was wounded on the head by Lavanaprasada. The victory however remained with Udayasimha and his allies. “Lavanaprasada, though still sore and hostile at heart," says the pro-Chaulukya chronicle Kirtikaumudi "had to return to his capital, concluding a treaty with these heroic rulers on account of the trouble caused to his relatives and the public." Lavanaprasada 's son Viradhavala fully honoured the treaty thus concluded. Udayasimha also, laying aside all feelings of rancour, gave his daughter in marriage to Virama, the eldest son of Viradhavala. When the forces of Iltutmish tried to march into Gujarat after burning and sacking parts of Mewar, Udyasimha and his allies helped Viradhavala.

For nearly sixteen years these cordial relations were maintained without any deceitful movement on either side. But in V. 1295, Viradhavala died, leaving behind him two sons, Virama and Visala, to fight for the throne. Udayasilmha should, as the father-in- law of the elder brother Virama, have sided with him. But strangely enough he had him assassinated, most probably by his own son Chachigadeva who, in his Sundha Inscription, prides himself on the destruction "of the roaring Gurjara lord Virama." The Prabandhakosha ascribes this rather inexplicable action to the influence of Visala's partisan, the powerful minister, Vastupala; but it does so wrongly, for


[Page-170] Virama instead of dying in Vastupala's time survived him by three years or so. Vastupala died in V. 1296. Virama was on the throne of Dholka up to V. 1299. There was also some fighting of an indecisive character between Udayasimha and Virama's successful rival and brother, Visala. If the Puratanaprabandhasangraha be believed, Udayasimha had towards the end of his reign grown so proud of his might that he twice dared to ask Visala for tribute. Visala replied by sending punitive expeditions to Jalor, which however did not accomplish much. To the last, Udayasimha remained, as aptly put by the Sundha Inscription, "invincible for the lords of the Gurjara kingdom. " Udayasimha is said to have curbed the pride of the Turushkas. The claim is in some sense true, for early in his reign he extended his territories at the cost of the rulers of Delhi, most probably of Aram Shah and perhaps even of Iltutmish. The capture of Nadol and Mandor were notable feats, and so was also the defeat of the Muslims near Jalor which is mentioned in an old apabhramsha verse (quoted by both the Puratanaprabandhasangraha and Nainsi's Khyat) which states that "the water which the Asuras (the Muslims) had drunk from lake Sundara with their mouths was taken by the ruler Udaya out of the eyes of their (grief-stricken) wives." But once Iltutmish had firmly secured his hold on the throne of Delhi, he tried to pay off the old scores. "The evil deeds and improprieties of the Chauhans" had to be avenged some day. The expedition against Jalor was by no means easy. The army suffered for


[Page-171] lack of food as well as water. But Iltutmish pushed on, and managed to reach Udayasimha's desert capital. Udayasimha opened negotiations; and the Sultan though he could hardly have been satisfied with the token tribute of a hundred camels and two hundred horses offered by Udayasirhha, accepted it and confirmed Udayasimha in his possessions.

Nearly five years later, perhaps in V. 1278 when Iltutmish once again assumed the offensive against Rajasthan, and after sacking Nagda advanced even upon Gujarat, Udayasirhha joined as already stated above, the league organised by Viradhavala Vaghela of Dholka and his minister Vastupala. The drama gives the name of the Muslim invader as Milachchhrikara (मीलच्छ्रिकार), which Dr. G.H. Ojha equates with Amir-i-shikar, a title once borne by Iltutmish. Drs.D.R. Barnett and H.C, Ray object to the identification, saying that Milachchhrikara cannot phonetically be the Sanskritised form of Amir-i-shikar. It is no doubt so; but it can be easily the Paisachi form of Mir-i-shikar. The Muslim ruler and his minister talk with each other in Paishachi; so it is only natural that he should have a Paisachi name. The dramatist changes Mir into Mila and shikar into chhrikara through the intermediate Sanskritised form Shrikara. The usual sandhi rules thereafter give us the Milachchhrikara, actually used in the drama.

Jatland considers that Milachchhrikara may be a combination of Meel + Chhikara, representing the combined forces of the two clans.

As regards the date of this expedition we put it about V. 1278 (1221 A.D.) on the following grounds :-

(a) As the MS. of the drama, in which it is mentioned, is dated V. 1286, this would be the last date possible for it.

(b) Vastupala, the chief organiser of the anti-muslim Confederacy, was at the time Governor of Cambay. As he was appointed to the post in V. 1276, the expedition must have been launched between V. 1276 and 1286.

(c) As Vastupala was transferred from his Cambay post in V, 1279, the limits can further be reduced to V. 1276-1279.

(d) Jalaluddin Manghabarni appeared on the Indian scene in 1221 A.D. (V. 1278). If he be the Khapparakhana of the Hammiramadamardana, the exact date of Iltutmish's raid may be put down as V. 1278.


Iltutmish withdrew without fighting. He must have realised the difficulty,


[Page-172] if not folly, of facing the combined forces of Gujarat and of the Marwar princes, Udayasimha, Somasimha, and Dharavarsha. And then there was another reason. His own frontiers were being threatened by Khapparakhana whom we may, with some plausibility, identify with the dispossessed Khwarizmi prince, Jalaluddin Manghbarni.

Iltutmish's invasion of Mewar and Gujarat can, as shown in this chapter, be placed between the narrow limits V. 1276-1279; and V. 1278, when Jalaluddin Manghbarni reached India, would not at all be an unreasonable date, if we remember that Iltutmish's expedition synchronised with Sankha's second attempt to capture Broach. His first attempt had been in V. 1277, shortly after Vastupala's appointment as governor of Cambay.

In V.1226 Iltutmish recaptured Mandor. As it is however listed in V. 1319 as one of Udayasimha's possessions, he must have recaptured it during the period V. 1283-1314.

Of other fights, Udayasimha must have had many during that period of political instability when everyone fought either in self-defence or for self-aggrandizement. The Sundha Inscription mentions Udayasimha's slaughter of one Sindhuraja (Verse 46, EI, X, p. 78), whom Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar identifies on rather weak grounds with Sindhuraja Chahamana of Broach. (EI, XI, p. 75. We prefer Dr. Kielhom's interpretation of the term Sindhuraja as a ruler of Sindh). Actually he might have been some petty ruler of Sind, probably because Sindhuraja of Broach, is known to have been slain not by Udayasimha but the Yadava ruler Simhana of Devagiri. Another rival and enemy of Udayasimha was Jaitrasimha of Mewar. According to the Ghagsa inscription (V. 1332) of Maharaval Tejasimha, the pride of Jaitrasimha (c. V. 1270-1309) was never brought low by the lord of Sakambhari. The Chirwa Inscription of Maharaval Samarasimha repeats the same statement in almost identical terms, substituting the word Maravesha for "Sakambharishvara" ( न मालवीयेन न गौर्जरेण न मारवेशेन न जाङ्गलेन | म्लेच्छाधिनाथेन कदापि मानो ग्लानिं न निन्येवनिपस्य तस्य ||)


[Page-173] and what this record meant by Maravesha can be seen from his Abu Inscription which states that Jaitrasimha destroyed Nadula. The fort is known to us from the Sundha Inscription as one or Udayasirnha's most important conquests. Finally, however, even in this fight, the advantage rested with Udayasimha. Mostly the Mewar inscriptions do not say that Jaitrasimha defeated Udayasimha ; they put forward only the negative claim that the ruler of Maru or Sakambharisvara did not succeed in breaking Jaitrasimha's pride. All claims of Guhila success are belied by the fact that in V. 1326 we find Chauhans ruling not only over Godwad but also a part of Medapata. (See the Karahetaka inscription of Chachigadeva, Karahelaka is in Medapata).


Udayasimha died somewhere between Magha, V. 1314 and Magha, V.1316. He had, at the least, two queens, Prahladanadevi, the mother of Chachigadeva and Chamundaraja (Sundha inscription, verse 45, El, X, p. 78.)and another, unknown to us by her name, the mother of Prince Vahadasimha. Of his daughters, one, as already mentioned, was married to Virama, the eldest son of Viradhavala Vaghela of Dholka; and of his brothers, Manavasimha, who though older than Udayasimha had for some reason resigned his claim to Jalor and become the founder of a family from which are descended the present Maharaja of Sirohi.

Udayasiri1ha was lucky in having a very good minister in Yashovira, a son of Dusaja Udaya. He began serving Jalor as early as V. 1245, if not earlier still, and was at the helm of its affairs at least up to V. 1278, when along with another Jaina minister, Vastupala, he was responsible for an alliance


[Page-174] between Udayasimha and Viradhavala Vaghela of Dholka. If we place reliance on the account of the Puratanaprabandhasangraha, he must have occupied this post even in V. 1300 or so.

Yasovira was Udayasimha's minister when amatya Nagada besieged Jalor at the orders of hiss master, Visaladeva. As Visaladeva ascended the throne of Anahillapataka in V. 1300, according to Merutunga's Theravali, some year thereabouts might have been chosen by Udayasimha for his alleged demand of tribute from Gujarat. Nagada, though first mentioned as a mahamatya in an inscription of V. 1317 had probably been appointed to that post even before V. 1300.

His (Yashovira) must have been always a moderating influence on the ambitious and aggressive policy of his master. Cultured and learned, he was an ornament of the court of Jalor. Someshvara describes him as a great poet surpassing in poetic excellence even Abhinanda, Magha and Kalidasa. Others speak of him as Sarasvatikanthabharna and Kavindrabandhu, showing thereby that he was an excellent poet as well as a patron of poets and pandits.

Udayasimha was the greatest of the Chauhan rulers of Jalor. He ascended the throne at a time when Hindu kingdoms were falling like ninepins before the terrible onset of Ghoris and their lieutenants. The Chauhan empire of Sapadalaksha and the kingdom of Nadol, from which Jalor had branched off nearly a quarter of a century back, had disappeared; the power of Bhimadeva II of Gujarat had been crippled for the time being as a result of Qutbuddin's invasion and sack of the wealthiest cities of the Gurjara empire. A person of lesser calibre than Udayasimha might have been borne down by the sheer weight of such adverse conditions. To Udayasimha the circumstances came as an incentive to hard solid work; and combined with caution and prudence, which some of his Chauhan predecessors had lacked, these opened the way to his future prosperity. Probably within a short time of Qutbuddin's death he swooped down on the Muslim garrisons in eastern and northern Marwar and made himself master of the greater part of the territory once comprised in the kingdom of Nadol. To Muslims he appeared as an avenging spirit, an embodiment of retribution for the blood that they had shed.54 Even Iltutmish, the greatest


[Page-175] of the Slave rulers of Delhi, did not finally succeed in breaking the power of this Chahamana ruler of Rajasthan. The Gurjara lords found their interests best served by an alliance with him, even at the cost of some territory; and Mewar must have realised, though rather late, the mistake of fighting against him. Perhaps Northern India had not then any ruler mightier than Udayasimha.

Nor was Udayasimha a mere soldier. With Yasovira as his chief minister, his court was bound to be a great intellectual centre, a centre however which might have remained second-rate, if Udayasimha himself had not been highly proficient in Metaphysics, Logic, and encyclopaedic works like the Mahabharata. Indra might not have actually become thousand-eyed to see and Sesha two-thousand-tongued to sing the praises of Udayasimha's glory (Sundha Inscription, Verse-44), but this at least can be said that during his reign Jalor reached the apex of its power, and many besides his own subjects, were impressed by his great prowess and his long, intensive and by no means unsuccessful fight for Hindu India.


Chachigadeva

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 176-179

Chachigadeva -[Page-176] We have eight inscriptions for Chachigadeva, the son and successor of Udayasimha. These range from V. 1319 to V.1333. The earliest is the Sundha Inscription of V. 1319 edited by Dr. Kielhorn in EI, IX. pp. 74ff. Some three years earlier however than the earliest of these (which belongs to V. 1319) is the record of a pratishtha at Jalor, dated the 6th of the bright half of Magha V. 1316. It states that Padru and Muliga put a gold cupola and gold dhvaja on the temple of Shantinatha at Suvarnagiri in the reign of Chachigadeva (Kharataragachchhapattavali. p. 51).

"Hating his enemies as thorns" states the Sundha Inscription "he destroyed the roaring Gurjjara lord Virama," enjoyed the fall of the tremulous (or leaping) Patuka, deprived Sanga of his colour and acted as a thunderbolt for the mountain, the furious Nahara".
स्फूर्जद्-वीरम-गूर्जरेश-दलनो य: शत्रु-शल्यं द्विषंश्-
चञ्चत-पातुक-पातनैकरसिक: संगस्य रंगापह:
उन्माद्दन्-नहराचलस्य कुलिशाकर:.... (Verse-50)

Dr. Kielhorn regards the word "Salya" in the first line of the above verse as standing for Salya mentioned in the Dabhoi Inscription of Lavanaprasada. But the use of the" Shatru suffix with Salya" and the regular noun forms with others make me doubt the correctness of his interpretation. I am doubtful also of Salya meaning anything more than a thorn in the Dabhoi Inscription.

The roaring Gurjjara lord Virama of this extract is Viramadeva of Dholka. His death at the hands of Chachigadeva has been mentioned in the last chapter. Patuka (?) is more difficult to identify. Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar is inclined to regard him as Chachigadeva's cousin Pratapa, the son of Udayasimha's elder brother Manavasimha (EI, XI, p.76) But as none of the inscriptions of the Chandravati Chauhans indicates fighting or even ill-will between the Devadas and the Sonigaras, we must look upon this identification with suspicion. There


[Page-177] were two other Pratapamallas at the time, Pratapamalla, the younger brother of Visaladeva Vaghela of Gujarat and Pratapamlla, the Paramara ruler of Abu. Of these, history practically knows nothing about the Vaghela Pratapamalla excepting his relationship with the rulers of Gujarat. The other Pratapasimha was a more important figure. Pratapasimha was the ruler of Abu up to V.1344.

As two of Chachigadeva's inscriptions, namely, those at Sundha hill and Sonpur lie only at a short distance from Abu. For the texts of these inscriptions see respectively EI, IX, pp. 74 ff. and the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, 1910-11. It is not impossible that Pratapasimha might have lost them to the Chauhan ruler.

Sanga (संग) (?), the third adversary of Chachigadeva mentioned by the Sundha Inscription has not been satisfactorily identified till now. Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar's suggestion that he might be regarded as Sangana (संगन), a ruler of Vanathali near Junagarh, who was a brother-in-law of Viradhavala and is said to have been slain by him is unacceptable, because both the Prabandhakosa and the Vastupalacharita of jinaharsha make it clear that this Sangana died very early in the ministry of Vastupala and probably before he (Vastupala) gave up his duties as the Governor of Cambay. Even if we put the age of Chachigadeva at 50 at the time of his accession, he (Chachigaadeva) could not have been more than a mere child in V. 1279 or so when the war against Sangana had been fought. Similar considerations bar the possibility of Sangana's identity with Sangramasimha of Broach. The "furious Nahara" of the inscription, again, is equally unidentifiable. Could he have been some Muslim general defeated either in Chachigadeva's own reign or that of his fathers.

Chachigadeva's inscriptions come from Sirohi, Mewar, as well as the western-most parts of the kingdom conquered during Udayasimha's reign. Bhinmal and Ratanpur inscriptions are from the western parts, the Sonpur and Sundha inscriptions from Sirohi and the Karheda inscription from Mewar. So he appears to have preserved not merely intact but also added to the dominions left to him by


[Page-178] his illustrious father. He was a contemporary of the Sultans Nasiruddin Mahmud and Balban, both of whom found it best to leave him undisturbed in the enjoyment of his dominions. Gurjaras appear to have respected his independent status. No inscription of Chachigadeva refers to them as his overlords. The Ratanpur Inscription of V. 1333 calls him Mahamandaleshvararaja, but his usual titles are Maharajadhiraja and Maharajakula. A stone inscription of V. 1333 for Chachigadeva is found also in a Hanuman temple of Sonpur (RHC., V. 29).

Chachigadeva's queen was Lakshmidevi. His daughter by her was married to "the highly famed ruler Tejasimha", most probably Maharaval Tejasirhha of Mewar. See the Burtra inscription of Samantasimha, edited by Kielhorn, EI, IV. pp. 313 f. We have inscriptions for Maharaval Tejasimha in the years V. 1317 and V. 1314. According to Nainsi, Chachigadeva had three sons, Samantasimha, Chahadadeva and Chandra (Khyat: I, p. 183). His Prime Minister in V. 1323 was Jakshadeva. The mahamatya Jarava mentioned in the Ratanpur Inscription of V. 1333 might be a misreading for Jakha, the Prakritised form of Jaksha.

According to the Sundha Inscription, Chachigadeva was a religious-minded and charitable ruler. At Shrimala he remitted the taxes levied from Brahmanas, at Ramasainya he granted money for the perpetual worship of Vigrahaditya and furnished a golden cupola and flag-staff for the temple of Aparajitesa with several other things. At Sugandhadri (Sundha) he worshipped the goddess Aghatesvari and had a mandapa constructed and consecrated for her. (VV.51-57) Nor was he unmindful of his duty towards sects other than his own. At Karaheda he granted a


[Page-179] village to the god Parshvanatha and at Sundha employed a Jaina yati to compose the prashasti of his family (See the 59th verse of the Sundha inscription). The yati's name was Jayamangala. His guru Ramachandra was a disciple of the great Jaina acharya Vadideva.

Chachigadeva must have died before V. 1339, the date of the first known inscription of his successor Samantasimha.

Dr. Kielhorn wrtes that Chachigadeva is mentioned Sundha Inscription (vv. 47-57). In verse 50 he is described as 'destroying the roaring Gurjara lord Virama, hating the enemy Salya, taking exquisite delight in felling the shaking (or leaping) Pātuka, depriving of his colour Sanga, and a thunderbolt to the mountain the furious Nahara. As will be seen from this translation, the words Salya, Pātuka and Sanga, of the original must in, my opinion, like Virama and Nahara (?)', be taken as proper names ; but of the five persons enumerated I can identify only the first. Being described as 'Gurjara lord, Virama appears clearly to be the Vaghela Viramadeva, the son of Viradhavala and elder brother of Visaladeva, who is reported to have been the son-in-law of Udayasimha of Javalipura, and would therefore have been the own brother-in-law of Chachigadeva. At Shrimala he remitted certain taxes, and at Ramasainya he granted funds for the worship of (the god) Vigrahaditya, and placed a golden cupola (kumbha) and a flag-staff (dhvaja) on the temple of (the god) Aparajitesa to whom at the same time he gave a silver girdle (mekhalā). For the same temple he provided a hall (shāla) with a car (ratha) richly decked with precious stones. Chachigadeva visited the Sugandhadri, worshipped there the goddess Chamunda, known by the name Aghaṭesvari, and at her temple established a mandapa which was consecrated by the Brāhmans on the akshaya-tritiyā of the month Vaisakha of the [Vikrama] year 1319.

In the genealogical table Kielhorn has placed all the chiefs mentioned in in above in their genealogical order, and have given, the dates known from: inscriptions either for themselves or for the kings and chiefs with whom they are said to have come in-contact. The table will show that Lakshmana, the founder: of the family, must be placed in about A.D. 926-930, and that therefore he very probably was a son of that Vākpatirāj of of Shakambhari, who was the grandfather of the Vigraharaja of the Harsha inscription who lived in A.D. 973. Kielhorn's genealogical Table of the family is not quite complete. Ho does not, know yet how to place Maharajakula Samvatasimha (?) or Samyantasimha, who is mentioned in No. 704-707 of his Northern List with dates from about A.D.-1282 to A.D, 1289, and if this should be a different chief the Raja Sāmatsimha mentioned in Kanhadadeva's inscription of AD 1388.

Samantasimha and Kanhadadeva

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 180-191

Samantasimha - [Page-180] The inscriptions of Samantasimha range from V. 1339 to 1362 and show Samantasimha ruling over almost the same territories as his father, Chachigadeva. Of Samantasimha's 16 inscriptions, four come from Bhinmal, three from the state of Sirohi, and the rest from various parts of the Jodhpur division of Rajasthan. About V. 1353, he associated his son, Kanhadadeva, with himself in the government of Jalor; The Jalor inscription of Samantasimha, V. 1353, refers itself to the reign of Maharajakula Sri-Samvatasimha, while Kanhadadeva was subsisting on his lotus like feet and bearing the burden of administration (EI, XI, pp. 61f.). Similarly the Chohtan inscription V. 1356, speaks of Maharajakula Sri-Samvatasimhadeva and Rajan Kanhadadeva.

This was high time too, for Rajasthani culture and independence perhaps never stood in greater peril than during the years, 1296-1316 A.D. Five years earlier, in V. 1348 even the weak-kneed Firuz Khalji had advanced as far as Sanchor, an important city of the kingdom of Jalor, and retired only on Sarangadeva Vaghela's rushing to the aid of his neighbour. In V. 1353 the ruler on the throne of Delhi was Firuz's nephew and assassinator, Ala-ud-din Khalji, perhaps the greatest of Sultans of Delhi, whose avowed ambition was to end all Hindu principalities and kingdoms, and who had been advised by his trusted counselors to treat the Hindus as no better than slaves. Samantasimha of Jalor does not appear to


[Page-181] have been a man gifted or capable enough to fight against such a redoubtable adversary. It was good that he realised the need of some assistance, and acting probably on the advice of his people put the real direction of the affairs of the state into the hands of Kanhadadeva, then perhaps a young man of twenty five years or so.

Kanhadadeva (r.1296-1316 A.D) - Kanhadadeva had not to wait long for a chance to prove his mettle. In the third year of his joint reign, i.e., 1298 A.D., Alauddin decided to conquer Gujarat and destroy the temple of Somanatha. As the best route for his army lay through Marwar, he despatched a robe of honour to Kanhadadeva and desired that he should permit the Khalji forces to pass through his territory. Worldly wisdom should have dictated instant submission to the imperial orders. But to the brave Kanhadadeva svadharma mattered more than worldly pleasures, or a kingdom or even his life. He therefore sent back Alauddin's messenger with the blunt answer,

"Your army would, on its way, sack villages, take prisoners, molest women, oppress Brahmanas and slay cows. This being against our dharma, we cannot accede to your request."

Though the refusal must naturally have angered Alauddin,he took no immediate steps against Jalor. The Khalji army, commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, marched instead through Mewar. Like a storm of extreme fury, it laid low every state, every chiefship, every principality that lay across its path, conquered very soon the whole of Gujarat and Kathiawar, and destroyed the temple of Somanatha, in spite of the gallant opposition offered by the Jethava (जेठव), Vala (वला), Baja (बाजा) and Chudasama (चुडासामा) Rajput. And then on its way back to Delhi, Ulugh Khan, either on his own initiative or acting on


[Page-182] instructions beforehand by Alauddin, decided to punish Kanhadadeva for the affront to Khalji authority. Victorious every where he marched through the Jalor. When the Khalji army reached Sakrana (सकराणा) (tah-Ahore), a village 18 miles from Jalor, Kanhadadeva’s chief minister, Jaita Devada, conveyed his master’s message to Ulugh.


[Page-183] In a well planned raid led by Jaita Devada, Nusrat Khan’s brother, Malik Aizudin and a nephew of Alaudin were slain. Ulugh Khan barely escaped his life. They liberated thousands of Hindu prisnors and the rescue of an idol of Somanatha which was being carried to Delhi.


[Page-184] Kanhadadeva had its five fragments installed respectively at Prabhasa, Bagada, Abu, Jalor and his own garden. This rescue of Somanatha forms in the popular mind Kanhadadeva's best and greatest title to greatness. For nearly five years Alauddin slept over this insult to his authority, as far as Kanhadadeva was concerned. Perhaps he had other affairs more urgent and weighty to attend to. But after the reduction of Ranthambhor (1301 A.D.) (where the neo-Moslem leaders, Muhammad Shah and his brothers, sold their lives dearly), of Chitor made famous by the Jauhar of Padmini, and of the forts of Ujjain, Mandu, Dhara and Channderi, the Khaljis appeared once again, in 1305 A.D., before the walls of Jalor. Samantasimha was perhaps no more by this time, as his latest inscription is of V. 1362. Kanhadadeva now alone directed the affairs of the State had to think twice before taking any decision. The question was decided for him by the Khalji commander Ainul Mulk Multani, a man not only of the sword but also of great learning and tact. His conciliatory attitude induced Kanhadadeva to visit Delhi and enroll himself among its allies. Like Shivaji who repaired to Delhi under similar circumstances, perhaps he wished to see whether he could have peace with honour; and like Shivaji he soon realised the impossibility of such a peace. Continued success had turned Ala-ud-din's head. On his coins he described himself as a second Alexander, and in his own assembly of "Yes-men" he probably boasted often of there being no Indian ruler who could withstand his forces.


[Page-185] But to do so in a majlis, where Kanhadadeva was present was to throw out a challenge to his proud Rajput spirit. He immediately left for Jalor, declaring that if he challenged and did not prevail, he would know how to die. Thus began the second round of the struggle between Alauddin and Kanhadadeva. The Khaljis marched first against Siwana, a strong fortress at the distance of nearly thirty miles from Jalor. Its governor, Sataladeva, a nephew of Kanhadadeva was a warrior of the first rank whose sword had rendered many a chief subject to the authority of Jalor. The Khaljis first saw him in action at Mandore perhaps, where his raid inflicted damage on the advancing Muslim forces. Next he drove them back pell-mell from before the walls of Siwana itself by acting in concert with a large Chauhan force sent by Kanhadadeva from Jalor. Taken between two fires, as it were, the Khaljis lost not only their camp equipage but also their commanders, Nahar Malik and Khandadhara Bhoja.

This was no small reverse for the Muslim arms. But thanks to the iron will of Alauddin, Muslim forces still poured in, from month to month and year to year, “without being able to injure half a brick of the fort" till at last in June, 1310, Alauddin himself marched against Siwana, with one of the biggest armies that he had mustered so far.

Sataladeva faced him with his wonted vigour and courage. He sent out frequent sorties, bombed the Khalji army with stones from the machines in the fort, and threw down the ladders whenever the Khalji troopers tried to escalate the fort. Other generals might have given up the task as hopeless. But once Alauddin personally began a siege, he rarely raised it ; by force or fraud he generally captured the fort. To capture Siwana he constructed a pashib reaching up to its highest


[Page-186] point; and, probably, guided from there by a traitor named Bhayala (भायला), he defiled the main tank of Siwana with cows' blood. Thus deprived of their main source of water supply, Rajput women performed the dreadful rite of jauhar, and the Rajput soldiers, now caring little for their lives, let the Khaljis swarm in; determined only to kill and to be killed, they smeared their foreheads with sandal paste, put tulasi rosaries round their necks, and after offering puja to their tutelary deities sallied forth for their last fight. Even Amir Khusrau, a panegyrist of the Sultan, admits that "the besieged were brave and haughty", and "did not fly even when their heads were cut into pieces". One party from Siwana tried to get away to Jalor, but was ambushed and slain. On the morning of Tuesday, the 23rd Rabiul Awwal, Khalji soldiers took the dead body of Sataladeva to Alauddin. Everyone praised Kamaluddin for having slain him. Perhaps he was the Muslim general who led the final Khalji assault on the fort, which was after its capture officially given the name of Khairabad.

From Siwana Alauddin returned to Delhi, leaving however instructions to his generals to devastate and subjugate the country of Marwar, instructions which they tried to carry out not only dutifully but most thoroughly. One force striking westwards captured and sacked Bahadmer, and then turning southwards destroyed the great temple of Mahavira at Satyapura or Sanchor. In its fanatical fury it next burnt Bhinmal, a great centre


[Page-187] of Vedic learning and culture, the Brahmapuri of the Chauhans of Marwar as Padmanabha calls it, and carried away thousands of Brahmanas as captives. A wave of horror and resentment must have passed through every Hindu heart, as the fleeing populace carried, far and wide, the tale of these Muslim atrocities. Kanhadadeva's sorrow was, naturally, greater than that of others; but other Rajasthanis also must have felt that their hearths and homes, nay even their religion, lives and culture were in danger, if the Muslims were permitted to run amok like this and ravage the countryside at their sweet will. Consequently warriors of all clans from Rajasthan; and perhaps even outside it, readily responded to Kanhadadeva's call to arms; with their horses, equipment and arms they flocked on to Jalor, eager to fight against the enemies of their country and their culture.

The clans mentioned are - 1. Vaghelas, 2. Solankis, 3. Rathors, 4. Paramaras., 5. Barads. 6. Hunas, 7. Chavadas, 8. Hariyads. 9. Dodiyas, 10. Yadavas. 11. Nikumbhas. 12. Gohilas. 13. Devadas. But in a general all the 36 Royal clans are referred to.

And soon enough, with Kanhadadeva's orders to destroy the Muslim troops, wherever they found them, they galloped on by way of Revanti (रेवंती) and Dhanasa (धाणसा] and contacted the enemy at Khudala (खुडाला).

In its success as well as failure this feudal array typified most Rajput levies of the period. Composed of Rajput nobles and their hard-riding retainers, used to warfare on their own as well as others' account, they had not much difficulty in attaining their immediate objective. They went straight at their quarry, and within a few hours the Muslim army was a fleeing horde, shorn of all its camp equipage, elephants, and also of the men captured at Bhinmal, Satyapura, and other places. A few hours pursuit might have completed the Rajput victory; a little more of discipline and cohesion might perhaps have finished off also the detachment under Malik Naib which had not till then come into action on account of having been out for a hunt with its leader. But it was destined to be otherwise. While the two Devada chiefs, Jaita' and Mahipa, who had been appointed to the chief command by Kanhadadeva.


[Page-188]

[Page-189]


[Page-190] Kanhadadeva recalled Maladeva and Viramadeva to Jalor. The former was sent out again to operate against the Khaljis ; but Viramadeva stayed on to assist his father. Kamaluddin also duly reached the walls of the fort and began its siege in right earnest. He neither permitted anything to be moved into the fort, nor anything to be moved out of it, hoping thereby to starve the garrison into surrender. New reinforcements also continued to pour in from Delhi, in spite of Maladeva's harassing tactics, which Kamaluddin just disregarded and Alauddin stopped after a while by moving against him with an army from Delhi, and forcing him to retreat to Vanadra (वनाद्र). The only success that Kanhadadeva could claim during this phase of the siege was the destruction of a Khalji outpost at Uddalapura (उद्दलपुर) , a suburb of Jalor.

For some time the conditions inside the fort were pretty bad. The water in its tanks was drying up; the stock of fresh provisions also was running low. Timely rains and the mahajanas' offer to replenish any stores that might go bad averted the danger and once more the surrender of the fort seemed as far as ever.

But where force failed, treachery succeeded. Lured on by the rosy dreams of being made the ruler of Jalor on its reduction by the Khaljis, Bika, a Dahiya Rajput, took the Muslims in by an unfrequented and difficult path which the defenders, believing that the enemy would never know about it, had left undefended and unmanned. The traitor did not indeed live on to profit by his treachery; he was slain by his own wife, Hiradevi, who lost no time in reporting the matter to Kanhadadeva. But the fate of the fort was now sealed; it was no longer the impregnable fortress that had baffled so far all the ingenuity of Alauddin's commanders.

Kanhadadeva's samantas, Kandhal, Jait Ulicha, Jait Devada,


[Page-191] Lun Karan, Molhan, Arjun Badaval, and many others equally devoted and brave, though perhaps a little less prominent, sacrificed their lives in a vain effort to dislodge the enemy (Kanhadadeprabandha, 207-250). On the fifth day the Muslims reached the temple of Kanhasvami, and the rumour went about that they wanted to destroy it. Kanhadadeva's brave queens had already consigned themselves to the flames of jauhar ; now Kanhadadeva himself, along with his brave chiefs, prepared himself for the last fight in the right royal Rajput fashion. Fifty of them fell fighting round their master; and last of all fell the brave Kanhadadeva still believed by many merely to have disappeared and not to have died in his last battle against the Khaljis. (See Nainsi's Khyat, I, 153.)

Thus ended in V. 1371 the Sonigara dynasty and the career of the last of its independent representatives, Kanhadadeva Chauhan. He was a man of character. On questions of principle he yielded to none. He must have been endowed also with sterling qualities of leadership to have retained to the last, in spite of the privations brought on by a protracted siege, the loyalty of not only his own clansmen and Rajputs who had flocked to his standards but also of the civilians of his kingdoms. During the last phase of the siege, they offered him unstintingly all they had; and when all defence was known to be hopeless 1584 fires were lit in a single day, in which died women of all castes. (See Kanhadadeprabandha, IV, 231-233 and 242. ) As a general Kanhadadeva was not probably inferior to his Hindu contemporaries. To have kept fighting against Alauddin almost throughout his reign, in spite of his (Alaudddin's) immense resources, was in itself a feat. None else equaled or surpassed it. Brave, intrepid to a degree, and sincerely religious, Kanhadadeva represented Rajput chivalry at its best; and it is no wonder that not long after his death he was deified and regarded as an avatara of Vishu, the destroyer of the wicked and preserver of moral order. His failure was more of a society than an individual.

Deora Chauhans of Chandravati and Abu

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 196-202. It has been included here to complete the account of early Chauhan Dynasties.

Manavasimha - [Page-196] The founder of the Devada line was Manavasimha, the elder son of Samarasimha of Jalor [See page-166]. Udayasimha, as the abler of the two brothers succeeded to the throne, but Manavasimha appears to have been treated well and might have been assigned a small jagir by way of compensation.( See The Deora inscriptions at Achalesvar and Vimala-vasahi.)

Pratapamalla - His son, Pratapamalla, is described as 'respected in the assemblies of rulers"( Bhupala-sadassu manyah, verse 19 of the Vimal-vasahi inscription of V. I378.), probably because he served well either his uncle Udayasimha, who lived on up to V. 1316, or his son and successor, Chachigadeva, whose last date is about V. 1339.

According to the Sundha Inscription of V. 1319, Chachigadeva delighted himself in felling the trembling Patuka. This has been interpreted by Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar to mean that Chachigadeva defeated his cousin Pratapamalla. But considering the fact that the relations between the Deora and Sonigara lines were, as indicated by the inscriptions of the former, cordial enough, it would be as already pointed out (See above, p. 176.), better to, identify the "trembling Patuka" with the Paramara ruler, Pratapamalla of Chandravati and Abu during whose reign Chachigadeva's forces penetrated into the Abu territory up to Sundha and Sonepur. (See above, p. 177.)

Vijada (वीजड़) - Pratapamalla's son, Vijada, known also as Dashasyandana or Dasharatha, probably laid the foundations of the Deora kingdom of the Abu area, first by operating as a captain of Chachigadeva's forces and later on by making new conquests on his own account. In the Dilwara inscription of V. 1377, he is described as the lord of Marumandala. Shorn of its exaggeration,


[Page-197] the epithet indicates, we think, the assumption of an independent position by Vijad. From Tonkra village of the old Sirohi State we have an inscription of a certain Vijad, dated in the (Vikrama) year 1232. He must obviously be different from Vijad Deora, who came to the throne not earlier than V. 1340.

By his queen, Namalladevi, Vijada had four sons: Lavanyakarna, Lundha, Lakshmana and Lunavarman. (Verses 22-23 of the Achaleshvar Inscription of V. 1377) Of these Lavanyakarna succeeded his father.

Lavanyakarna - During the life time of Lavanyakarna, the Chauhans were passing through one of the worst periods of their political existence. In V. 1367, the armies of Alauddin Khalji captured the Chauhan strongholds of Siwana and Sanchor (See above pp. 185 and 194. ), Four years later, Jalor also passed into Muslim hands, in spite of the gallant resistance put up by Kanhadadeva and his feudatories.( See above p. 191) Thousands of Chauhans must have as a result of these reverses sought refuge with Lavanyakarna, his small principality being the only island of safety in the sea of troubles that seemed to be engulfing the Chauhans everywhere. As the Achaleshvara Inscription of V. 1377 states, "when the Asuras. i.e., the Muslims had destroyed the Kshatriyas, he devoted himself to the protection of his clansmen and their lands." (verse- 25 of the Achaleshvar inscription of V. 1377.)

And this influx of the Chauhans from elsewhere was not without some good effects as far as the Devadas were concerned. It made them numerically strong enough to expand further; and expansion was absolutely necessary, for the small principality of Lavanyakarna could hardly be expected to contain and support the daily swelling numbers of the Chauhan refugees, who, uprooted from their lands in Rajasthan, naturally


[Page-198] moved towards the fastnesses of the Adivalli hills and soon overwhelmed the Paramara principality of Chandravati and Abu, parts of which had been occupied by the Chauhans even as early as V. 1319. Pratapamalla Paramara ruled at Chandravati up to V. 1344. (See the Patnarayarya inscription of Pratapamalla.) For his successor, Vikramasimha, however, we have a solitary inscription at Barman in the old Sirohi State dated in V. 1356. So the Abu area might have been conquered by the Chauhans somewhere between this year and V. 1372, the year of Lumbha's Vimalvasahi inscriptions No. 1 and 2 ; and this period can be narrowed further by regarding the Chauhan influx that followed the reverses of V.1367-1371, as the main cause of Chauhan expansionist activities.

Nainsi (Nainsi’s, Khyat, Hindi translation. I. pp. 120-123. ) gives the following account of the Chauhan infiltration and conquest :

"Formerly the Paramaras ruled at Abu. Rawal Kanhadadeva was then the ruler of Jalor. It was then that Devada Vijada's sons, Jaswant, Samara, Luna, Lumbha, Lakha, and Tejsi settled down near the Siranwa (सिरण्वा) hill, which is not far from Sirohi. They possessed no land. So they decided to capture Abu somehow. At that time a bard of the Paramaras came to them. They entertained him well, and he carried to the Paramara ruler of Abu the proposal that the Paramaras should marry the twenty-five daughters of the Chauhans. They agreed but desired one of the Chauhan brothers as a surety. Luna accompanied the bard in that capacity. He stayed with the Paramara chief and twenty-five Paramara bridegrooms set out to marry the Chauhan maidens with a small entourage. Twenty-five Chauhan youths disguised themselves as brides, and on receiving a set signal killed the twenty-five Paramara bridegrooms. The rest of the Paramaras, who were by that time under the influence of strong drinks, were easily done to death, and news was sent to Luna through a bard. As soon as he heard it, he told the Paramara chief that Abu belonged to the Chauhans and that he would kill him as his brothers

[Page-199] had killed the other Paramaras. This led to a fight in which both of them died. In the meanwhile the Chauhans reached Abu and captured it."

In spite of its many inaccuracies; this account probably points to the following true facts :-

  • 1. That the Chauhans conquered Abu from the Paramaras. No Chauhan inscription states this fact explicitly.
  • 2. That the conquest probably took place at a period not very far removed from Kanhadadeva's death in V. 1371.
  • 3. That Devadas were at that time almost landless and it was absolutely necessary that they should conquer some territory and live on the income accruing from it.
  • 4. That though Vijada's son Lavanyakarna died without conquering Abu, his had most probably been the master mind that conceived the plan. It is also likely that both valour and stratagem played a part in the conquest of Abu.

Lumbha - For Lavanyakarna's younger brother and successor, Lumbha. Lumbha was known also as Lundha, Luntiga, Luntagara, Luntigadeva, Luntakara and Luniga. Dr. F. Kielhorn and Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar are wrong in regarding Luniga as a name of Lavanyakarna, and Lumbha as a name of Lunavarman. The Achalesvara Inscription states that Abu and Chandravati were conquered by Lundha or Luntiga. The Dilwara Inscription has the same thing to say about Lumbha, proving thereby that Lumbha and Lundha were Identical. Still more specific is the assertion of the Dilwara inscription to the effect that Luniga was known as Lundha on account of destroying his enemies and as Lumbha by reason of watering the creeper of his fame with the tears of his enemies' wives.

We have the following inscriptions about Lumbha:-

  • 1. Vimal Vasahi Inscription No. 1 :- This is almost gone. Its date is the second day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, V. Samvat 1372. For the spiritual welfare of his parents, Vijada and Namalladevi, he passed on to the temple all the corn, clothes and money that he received from the shrines of Adinatha and Neminatha.
  • 2. Vimal Vasahi Inscription No. 2:- This inscription also is in good condition. It is dated the 8th day of the dark half of V. Samvat 1372. It states that in the victorious reign of Lundhaka, Selahatha Lunamaka decided from that very day not to have any corn, money, cloth etc. from the gods Adiinatha and Neminatha.

  • 3. Vimal Vasahi Inscription No.3 :- [Page-200] This record is dated, the 1st day of the dark half of Chaitra V. Samwat 1373, and records the decision of the gramikas of Dilvada not to have the tax of 24 drammas from the priests of Adinatha and Neminatha.
  • 4. Achalesvara (Abu) Inscription :- Its verses 3-19 deal with the Chauhans of Nadol and Jalor from whom the Deoras of Abu were descended. Five verses have been devoted to the Deora line from Manavasimha to Lundha. The five verses that follow tell us of the repair of the sabhamandapa of Achalesvara by Lundha, the setting up the statues of himself and his queen in front of Achalesvara and the grant of the village, Hethumji, to the temple. The date of the inscription is the 8th day of the bright half of Vaisakha, V. Samwat 1377, in the victorious reign of Maharajakula Lundhagara.

These inscriptions give us a fairly good idea of the character and policy of Lumbha. He obviously was no mere conqueror. He knew also the princely art of winning the hearts of his newly conquered subjects and conciliating every section of society. Under the Paramaras, the Jains most probably had to pay a number of vexatious pilgrim taxes. By foregoing them he won over the extremely influential Jain community to his side. He spent also money on the temple of Achalesvara, being most probably a Saiva by religious conviction. He could thus claim, if he desired, to be a defender of the two great religions of India, then reeling under the terrible blows dealt by Aluddin Khalji. He may have been famous also for his justice, for this alone justifies his being called "the spring season to that mountain called the way of justice." (न्ययमार्ग-शिखरि-मधुमास)

Tejasimha - For Lumbha's successor, Tejasimha, we have three inscriptions. Of these the first, dated in V. 1378, shows that Tejasimha had been associated with his father's administrative


[Page-201] work along with his brother Tihunaka. The third inscription dated in V. 1393 gives his last date. Like Lumbha, Tejasirmha may have been a Saiva. But he made over to the temple of Vasishtha the three villages of Jhabatu, Jyaluli and Tejalapura, (EI, IX, p. 82. ) and thus probably won over for his dynasty the support of not only the jainas and Saivas but also the Vaishnavas.

Kanhadadeva - Tejasimha was succeeded by Kanhadadeva either late in V. 1393 or V. 1394. We have at the Vasishtha temple, Abu, an inscription of his reign, dated in V. 1394, recording the grant of the village Viravada by the Deora Tihunka. The second inscription is on the statue of Kanhadadeva in the Achalesvara temple and is dated in (Vikrama) Samwat 1400. Kanhadadeva was thus probably a Saiva, though he may have patronised other sects also.

Samantasimha - Samantasimha may have been the next ruler. From the Vasishtha temple inscription we learn that he granted the villages of Luhuli, Chhapuli and Kiranathala to the Vasishtha temple. Tradition, as recorded by Forbes, makes him Samantasimha's successor, though he is mentioned neither by Nainsi nor the Badavas of Sirohi.

Ranamalla - Samantasimha was succeeded by Ranamalla.

Sivabhana - Ranamalla's son and successor was Sivabhana, founded the town of Shivapuri (शिवपुरी) in V. 1462. It now lies in ruins. It is two miles from Sirohi town.

Sahasramalla - The reign of Sivabhana's successor, Sahasramalla or Saisamala, saw many ups and downs. His energetic policy led to the extension of the Deora dominions in the western direction, and like a true vijigishu, he went on from the annexation of one small territory to the other. But very soon he had to contend with rulers, equally able and ambitious and with much greater resources. Gujarat, Malwa and Mewar were at the time the three great states contending for supremacy in Western and


[Page-202] Central India, and the Deoras, even if they wished, could not have remained out of the orbit of their ambition. At some time before V. 1509, Maharana Kumbha of Mewar made himself master of Abu, and Chandravati also became so indefensible that Sahasmal transferred his capital to Sirohi, which he founded on the 2nd day of the bright half of Vaisakha, V. 1482 (1425 A.D.). Thus towards the end of the fifteenth century of the Vikrama era, the Deora kingdom of Chandravati and Abu became transformed into the kingdom of Sirohi and the Deoras continued to rule there up to the time their State was amalgamated in Rajasthan.

The Feudatory Chauhans of Sanchor (Satyapura)

Reference - This section is mainly from "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 193-195
Chauhans of Sanchor

[Page-193] Nainsi gives the following account of the conquest of Sanchor by the Chauhans1:

"Sanchor was originally under the Dahiyas. In the time of Vijayaraja Dahiya, Vijayasimha, son of Alhana, ruled over Simhavada. For some reason or other Vijayaraja Dahiya's nephew Mahiravana Vaghela turned against his uncle and going to Vijayasimha Chauhan proposed the capture and equal division of Sanchor between themselves. Vijayasimha agreed, and reaching Sanchor, on being invited by the Vaghela, killed the Dahiyas and had himself proclaimed the ruler of the place on the 11 th of the dark half of Phalguna, Samvat 1141. The Vaghela Mahiravana also was put to death".

Thereafter is given the following genealogy :


Alhana2

Vijayasi

Padamsi

Sobhrama

Salo3 - Vikamsi - Hapo

Patto

Vajranga4


Nainsi's account cannot obviously be accepted in its entirety. If Vijayasimha was the great-grandfather of Salo, a con-


1. Khyiit, p. 172, Vol. I.

2. Ibid. p. 173. The Marwari MS. of the Khyat with me gives the following additional names before Vijayasimha, (1) Lakhana, (2) Sohiya, (3) Mahimddarava, (4) Anahala.

3. He died fighting for Kanhadadeva at the time of the siege of Jalor by Alauddin Khalji (Nainsi's note).

4. He died fighting against Malik Mir who captured Sanchor. He was a great Rajput (Nainsi's note).


[Page-194] temporary of Kanhadadeva, he could not possibly have been a son of Alhana of Nadol (c. 1205-1211), nor could he have captured Satyapura from the Dahiyas in V. 1141. Nainsi's mistake, or rather of the bard who informed him, was perhaps due to his confusing Vijayasimha's father Alhana, likely enough no more than a common Sonigara Rajput, with Alhana, the ruler of Nadol. In V. 1051 Satyapura was under the Chaulukyas and there it seems to have remained till its capture by the Chauhans in Udayasimha's reign.5 Vijayasimha was probably the leader of Udayasimha's army which accomplished this feat.

Pratapasimha's Sanchor Inscription of V. 1444 helps us in adding a few more details. According to it the order of succession was -

Sobhita6

Salha7

Vikramasimha

Sangramasimha - Bhimasimha (elder brother)

↓ ↓

Pratapasimha - Kamalladevi8


Sobhita of the above inscription is obviously identical with Sobhrama of the Khyat. Salha is the same as Salo. He was a valiant fighter, and was, as noted in the last chapter, killed fighting against the Khalji army after he had liberated the people taken captive at Shrimala. A little before his gallant fight and death, the Muslims had sacked Satyapura and destroyed its temples.9 Vikramasimha, the next ruler, finds a place in both the genealogies10, though he is mentioned as


5. See above, p. 167 .

6. According to the inscription, he was in the family of Laksmana of Naddula.

7. According to the inscription he liberated the residents of Shrimala from the captivity of the Turushkas.

8. EI, XI. Pp. 65-67.

9. Vividhatirthakalpa p.30.

10. Nainsi's Khyat I, p. 174. The account of the inscription is certainly the more reliable of the two. But the words "tasyatmajo" are a restoration by the editor. We do not know whether they could have been read also as "tasyanujo" in which case the account would agree with that of the Khyat.


[Page-195] Salha's son in the inscription10a and as his brother in the Khyat. The inscription omits Hapo probably because he was not in the direct line of succession. But that he did rule at Satyapura might he seen from the Khrataragachchhapattavali which refers to his sway there in V. 1391.11 His descendants were the masters of Surachand in Nainsi's time.12 Bhima mentioned in the inscription as the elder brother of Sangramsimha was perhaps the next ruler l3. His nephew Pratapasimha ruled at Sanchor in V. 1444 and was married to Kamalladevi, a Paramara lady of the Umata section, who renovated the temple of Vagishvara at Sanchor and granted for its worship one field and two Pailas from every maund of commodity reaching Sanchor.l4 Pratapasimha's successor Vajranga is said to have lost Sanchor in V. 1378. Malik Mir who captured it and slew Vajranga15 cannot be identified. But Vajranga might itself have been a title of Arjuna known from a Dhamdhupura inscription of V. 1347.


10a. In an inscription found at Dhandhupura (Sisrolu).

11. p. 86. Called Ranaka Haripala there.

12. I, p.173

13. The words of the inscription are भीमाग्रजन्मा...संग्रामसिंहो. This can mean either that he was the younger or the elder brother of Sangramasimha according to the way we analyse the compound. That the writer should go out his way to mention a brother might mean that he was an elder brother, though not necessarily.

14. See the donative portion of Pratapasimha's inscription.

15. Khyat I, p.174

The end of Chahamana Dynasty

Prithviraj III was succeeded by his brother Hariraj Chahaman. But according to Hassan Nizami, Mohammad Gauri had appointed Prithviraj`s son as the ruler of Ajmer. During this time Kutubuddin was the ruler of Muslim empire in India. Probably Prithviraj`s brother Hariraj had revolted against the Muslims. It appears that Kutubuddin might have suppressed this revolt and might have appointed Prithviraj`s son on the throne on his assurance for allegiance to him. According to a historian Kutubuddin returned Delhi after making administrative arrangements at Ajmer. Hariraj again established his authority over Ajmer with the help of Senapati Skanda of Prithviraj and dethroned Prithviraj`s son. Kutubuddin again attacked Ajmer and it is said that finding no way out Hariraj burnt himself along with his family in the fort of Ajmer. Ajmer was thus occupied by Kutubuddin and thus in 1194 A.D. the Chahamana dynasty of Ajmer and Delhi came to an end.

Other branches of Chauhans

Nadol branch of Chauhans was established by Laxman. Kirtipala has established a branch at Javalipura (Jalor). Alhan's son Vijay Singh from Nadol branch had established Satyapura (Sanchor) branch. Devaraja established Deora Branch. This way Chauhans were spread in various parts of Rajasthan. There were also large number of small republic states of various branches of Chauhanvansh in Rajasthan who continued to rule even after fall of Central Chauhan rule at Delhi. [68]

Chandels - Rewasa, Kasli and Raghunathgarh in Sikar were under Chandels. Chandels were Chandravanshi Kshatriyas. They had a big state in Jetubhukti and had a war with Prithviraj Chauhan and were defeated. An inscription of Chandels was found at (Raghunathgarh of v.s. 1150 (1093 AD). Three inscriptions of year v.s. 1243 (1186 AD) were found at Rewasa. These inscriptions reveal that Rewasa pargana was under Prithviraj Chauhan. These inscription are about some warriors. [69]

Chauhans of Dadrewa - Chauhans rules at Dadrewa in Churu district in Rajasthan.[70]

Ghangharan at Ghanghu - Ratan Lal Mishra [71] writes that there were branches of Chauhans ruling in various parts of Rajasthan. The ruler of Ghanghu in Churu district was Ghangharan who probably ruled here in v.s. 959 (902 AD). [72] Epigraphia Indica Vol.19 p. 218

Burdaks of Sarnau (975 AD - 1258 AD) - Burdak branch of Chauhans founded village Sarnau near Jeenmata in Sikar Rajasthan and made their capital. Sarnau was made Jagirdari of Burdaks under Raja Mahi Pal of Delhi in samvat 1032. Burdaks ruled at Sarnau Fort from samvat 1032 to samvat 1315 (975 AD - 1258 AD). In samvat 1315 (1258 AD) Sarnau falls to Delhi Badashah Nasir-ud-din Mahmud (1246–1266) son of Iltutmish (1211–1236) of Slave dynasty. At that time Chaudhary Kalu Ram, Kunwar Padam Singh and Jag Singh were Jagirdars from Burdak clan. There were 84 villages in this Jagir.

Gotra of Chauhans - Bijolia Inscription of samvat 1226, Sundha Inscription of samvat 1319 and Achalgarh Inscription of samvat 1377 reveal that the Gotra of Chauhans was Vatsa.[73]

See also

External links

References

  1. मल्ल-भिल्ल-किराताश्च सर्वेपि म्लेच्छजातय:
  2. Gwalior Inscription of Bhoja, Verses 8 and 11 :EI-XVIII,p.108
  3. verse13, IA., XLII,pp 66f
  4. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.36
  5. श्री हर्ष: कुलदेवोस्या तस्मादिव्यकुलक्रम:
  6. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.37
  7. शाकम्भरीराजनि जनीव ततोपि विष्णो: Here Vishnu=Vasudeva
  8. Chapter 1, Early Chauan Dynasties by Dasharath Sharma
  9. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 11-13
  10. Verse-12
  11. See Chapter-1
  12. Verse 12
  13. EI, XXVI, p.97 12
  14. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p. 30
  15. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, L.12
  16. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, L.13
  17. येनोच्चै: सुखमासितं क्षितिभृता श्रीभोजदेवेन च (Verse-5)
  18. Early Chauhan Dynasties by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 30-31
  19. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, LL.13-14
  20. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.38
  21. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, Verse-16
  22. EI III, pp.266ff
  23. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, Verse 21
  24. Harshagiri Inscription of 961 AD, Verse 24
  25. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 34-35
  26. Tarikh-i-Firishta, I, pp,7 and 18
  27. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 38-39
  28. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.39
  29. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.40
  30. Prithvirajavijaya, Verse-68
  31. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.43
  32. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.46
  33. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.49
  34. Line-14:मन्ये समाक्रान्त-मरू-पिपासु: संसारसिन्धुञ्च सरस्वतीञ्च
  35. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.50
  36. Line-17:वाष्प-वारिणि कालिंदी हरितानक-योपिताम् | सत्त्वाक्रान्तस्य मिलिता यत्प्रमाणे रजस्वला ||
  37. याद्राज्यं कुशवारणं प्रतिकृतमं राजांकुशेन स्वयं, येनात्रैव नु चित्रमेतत्पुनर्म्मन्यामहे तं प्रति | तच्चित्रं प्रतिभासते सुकृतिना निर्व्वाणनारायण- न्यक्काराचरणेन भंगकरणं श्रीदेवराजं प्रति ||17||
  38. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.51-52
  39. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.60
  40. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.39
  41. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.66
  42. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.67
  43. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.68-69
  44. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.72
  45. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.73-74
  46. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.74
  47. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.77
  48. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.78
  49. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.79
  50. K.Devi Singh Mandawa:Samrat Prithviraj Chauhan,2007, pp.52-53
  51. Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, p.82
  52. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 83
  53. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 85
  54. "Early Chauhan Dynasties" by Dasharatha Sharma, pp. 96
  55. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.41
  56. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 119
  57. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 119
  58. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 119
  59. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 119
  60. See respectively EI, XIX, pp. 49ff. ASI, 1916-17, I,p.20
  61. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 139
  62. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.141
  63. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.142
  64. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.142-143
  65. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.144
  66. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.145-146
  67. Dasharatha Sharma:Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp.146-147
  68. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.41
  69. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, कुटीर प्रकाशन मंडावा, 1998, पृ. 136
  70. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.41
  71. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.41-42
  72. ब्रूतेसम्प्रति चाहमानतिलको शाकंभरी भूपति: । श्रीमद्विग्रहरज एव विजयी संतानजान्नात्मजान ॥ अस्मामि: करदं व्यवधायि हिमवद्विन्ध्यान्तरांला भुव:। शेष स्वीकरणायमास्तु भवतामुद्द्योग शून्यो मन: ॥
  73. रतन लाल मिश्र:शेखावाटी का नवीन इतिहास, मंडावा, १९९८, पृ.42