Jammu and Kashmir

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Author:Laxman Burdak, IFS (Retd.)

Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu and Kashmir (जम्मू और कशमीर) is a state in northern India.

Location

It is located mostly in the Himalayan mountains, and shares a border with the states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab to the south. Jammu and Kashmir has an international border with China in the north and east, and the Line of Control separates it from the Pakistani-controlled territories of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit–Baltistan in the west and northwest respectively.

Jammu and Kashmir consists of three regions: Jammu, the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh. Srinagar is the summer capital, and Jammu is the winter capital. The Kashmir valley is famous for its beautiful mountainous landscape, and Jammu's numerous shrines attract tens of thousands of Hindu pilgrims every year. Ladakh, also known as "Little Tibet", is renowned for its remote mountain beauty and Buddhist culture.

Geography

Jammu and Kashmir is home to several valleys such as the Kashmir Valley, Tawi Valley, Chenab Valley, Poonch Valley, Sind Valley and Lidder Valley. The main Kashmir valley is 100 km wide and 15,520.3 km2 in area. The Himalayas divide the Kashmir valley from Ladakh while the Pir Panjal range, which encloses the valley from the west and the south, separates it from the Great Plains of northern India. Along the northeastern flank of the Valley runs the main range of the Himalayas.

Rivers in Jammu and Kashmir

Main article: Rivers in Jammu and Kashmir

The Jhelum River is the only major Himalayan river which flows through the Kashmir valley. The Indus, Tawi, Ravi River and Chenab are the major rivers flowing through the state.

Districts

Region Name Headquarters Area (km²)
Jammu Kathua District Kathua 2,651
Jammu District Jammu 3,097
Samba District Samba 904
Udhampur District Udhampur 4,550
Reasi District Reasi 1,719
Rajouri District Rajouri 2,630
Poonch District Poonch 1,674
Doda District Doda 11,691
Ramban District Ramban 1,329
Kishtwar District Kishtwar 1,644
Jammu Division Jammu 26,293
Kashmir Anantnag District Anantnag 3,984
Kulgam District Kulgam 1,067
Pulwama District Pulwama 1,398
Shopian District Shopian 612.87
Budgam District Budgam 1,371
Srinagar District Srinagar 2,228
Ganderbal District Ganderbal 259
Bandipora District Bandipora 398
Baramulla District Baramulla 4,588
Kupwara District Kupwara 2,379
Kashmir Valley Division Srinagar 15,948
Ladakh Kargil District Kargil 14,036
Leh District Leh 45,110
Ladakh Division Leh 59,146
Total 101,387

Major cities

Akhnoor, Anantnag, Badgam, Baramulla, Bhaderwah, Bijbehara, Doda, Ganderbal, Handwara, Jammu, Kargil, Kathua, Kishtwar, Kulgam, Kupwara, Pattan, Poonch, Pulwama, Ramban, Ranbirsinghpora, Reasi, Samba, Shopian, Sopore, Srinagar, Sumbal, Tral, Udhampur, Verinag,

People

The major ethnic groups living in Jammu & Kashmir include Kashmiris, Gujjars/Bakarwals, Paharis, Dogras and Ladakhis.[1] It is the only Indian state with a Muslim majority population. According to the 2011 census, Islam is practiced by about 68.3% of the state population, while 28.4% follow Hinduism and small minorities follow Sikhism (1.9%), Buddhism (0.9%) and Christianity (0.3%). About 97% of the population of the Kashmir valley are Muslim Shias live in the district of Badgam, with a majority population, and has been peaceful and has resisted separatism. Shia population is 15 lakhs of Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, which is 14% of entire state population.

In Jammu, Hindus constitute 60% of the population, Muslims 36% and Sikhs, 4%; In Ladakh (comprises Buddhists-dominated Leh and Muslim-dominated Kargil), Muslims constitute about 50% of the population, the remaining being Buddhists(44%) and Hindus(6%). The people of Ladakh are of Indo-Tibetan origin, while the southern area of Jammu includes many communities tracing their ancestry to the nearby Indian states of Haryana and Punjab, as well as the city of Delhi.

Buddhists, Hindus, Sikhs and a few Christian, Jain, and Zoroastrian communities were once natives and made up a vast majority of the whole Kashmir province, as well as neighbouring states, and ancient and modern northern half of what is today India and Pakistan, but because of economic changes, political tension, military involvement, and foreign extremists resulted in vast majority of the followers of these religions to settle in the growing and advancing neighbouring regions and major cities in India over the years, often during no present borders or records. Hindu pandits were specifically affected in this region due to their status in the local society.

Mention by Panini

Kashmara (कश्मर) is a place name mentioned by Panini in Ashtadhyayi under Sankashadi (संकाशादि) (4.2.80.10) group. [2]


Kashmira (काश्मीर) is mentioned by Panini in Ashtadhyayi. [3]


Kashmira-vanija (काश्मीर-वाणिज़) is mentioned by Panini in Ashtadhyayi. [4]


Kashmiri (काश्मीरी) is mentioned by Panini in Ashtadhyayi. [5]

History

V. S. Agrawala[6] writes that Gaṇa-pāṭha of Panini refers to janapada Kashmira (IV.2.133, IV.3.93), under Kachchhadi (कच्छादि) (IV.2.133) (शैषिक अण्। काच्छ:)[7], Bhargadi (भर्गादि) (IV.1.178) and Sindhvadi (सिन्ध्वादि) (IV.3.93) (सोअस्याभिजन:,अण्। सैन्धव:)[8].


The history of Kashmir, commonly known as Kashmir or Cashmere in the Asia and Western world is intertwined with the history of a larger region, comprising the areas of Central Asia, Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Tibet, China. Today, it denotes a larger area that includes the Indian-administered state of

According to folk etymology, the name "Kashmir" means "desiccated land" (from the Sanskrit: Ka = water and shimeera = desiccate). In the Rajatarangini, a history of Kashmir written by Kalhana in the mid-12th century, it is stated that the valley of Kashmir was formerly a lake.

According to Hindu mythology, the lake was drained by the great rishi or sage, Kashyapa, son of Marichi, son of Brahma, by cutting the gap in the hills at Baramulla (Varaha-mula). When Kashmir had been drained, Kashyapa asked Brahmans to settle there. This is still the local tradition, and in the existing physical condition of the country, we may see some ground for the story which has taken this form. The name of Kashyapa is by history and tradition connected with the draining of the lake, and the chief town or collection of dwellings in the valley was called Kashyapa-pura, which has been identified with Kaspapyros of Hecataeus (apud Stephanus of Byzantium) and Kaspatyros of Herodotus (3.102, 4.44).[9] Kashmir is also believed to be the country meant by Ptolemy's Kaspeiria.[10] Cashmere is an archaic spelling of Kashmir, and in some countries it is still spelled this way.

According to the Mahabharata,[11] the Kambojas ruled Kashmir during the epic period with a Republican system of government[12] from the capital city of Karna-Rajapuram-gatva-Kambojah-nirjitastava.,[13][14] shortened to Rajapura,[15][16][17][18] which has been identified with modern Rajauri.[19]

Later, the Panchalas are stated to have established their sway. The name Peer Panjal, which is a part of modern Kashmir, is a witness to this fact. Panjal is simply a distorted form of the Sanskritic tribal term Panchala. The Muslims prefixed the word peer to it in memory of Siddha Faqir and the name thereafter is said to have changed into Peer Panjal.[20]

According to legend, Jammu was founded by Hindu King Raja Jambu Lochan in the 14th century BC. During one of his hunting campaigns he reached the Tawi River where he saw a goat and a lion drinking water at the same place. The king was impressed and decided to set up a town after his name, Jamboo. With the passage of time, the name was corrupted and became "Jammu".

Nilmata Purana (complied c. 500–600 CE)[21] contains accounts of Kashmir's early history.

Kalhana's Rajatarangini (River of Kings), all the 8000 Sanskrit verses of which were completed by 1150 CE, chronicles the history of Kashmir's dynasties from mythical times to 12th century.[22][23] It relies upon traditional sources like Nilmata Purana, inscriptions, coins, monuments, and Kalhana's personal observations borne out of political experiences of his family. Towards the end of the work mythical explanations give way to rational and critical analyses of dramatic events between 11th and 12th centuries, for which Kalhana is often credited as India's first historian.[24][25]

During the reign of Muslim kings in Kashmir, three supplements to Rajatarangini were written by Jonaraja (1411–1463 CE), Srivara, and Prajyabhatta and Suka, which end with Akbar's conquest of Kashmir in 1586 CE.[26] The text was translated into Persian by Muslim scholars such as Nizam Uddin, Farishta, and Abul Fazl.[27] Baharistan-i-Shahi and Haidar Mailk's Tarikh-i-Kashmir (completed in 1621 CE) are the most important texts on the history of Kashmir during the Sultanate period. Both the texts were written in Persian and used Rajatarangini and Persian histories as their sources.[28]


In 326 BCE, Porus asked Abisares, the king of Kashmir, to aid him against Alexander the Great in the Battle of Hydaspes. After Porus lost the battle, Abhisares submitted to Alexander by sending him treasure and elephants.[29][30]

During the reign of Ashoka (304–232 BCE), Kashmir became a part of the Maurya Empire and Buddhism was introduced in Kashmir. During this period, many stupas, some shrines dedicated to Shiva, and the city of Srinagari (Srinagar) were built.[31]

Kanishka (127–151 CE), an emperor of the Kushan dynasty, conquered Kashmir and established the new city of Kanishkapur.[32] Buddhist tradition holds that Kanishka held the Fourth Buddhist council in Kashmir, in which celebrated scholars such as Ashvagosha, Nagarjuna and Vasumitra took part.[33]

By the fourth century, Kashmir became a seat of learning for both Buddhism and Hinduism. Kashmiri Buddhist missionaries helped spread Buddhism to Tibet and China and from the fifth century CE, pilgrims from these countries started visiting Kashmir.[34] Kumārajīva (343–413 CE) was among the renowned Kashmiri scholars who traveled to China. He influenced the Chinese emperor Yao Xing and spearheaded translation of many Sanskrit works into Chinese at the Chang'an monastery.[35]

Hepthalites (White Huns) under Toramana crossed over the Hindukush mountains and conquered large parts of western India including Kashmir.[36] His son Mihirakula (c. 502–530 CE) led a military campaign to conquer all of North India. He was opposed by Baladitya in Magadha and eventually defeated by Yasodharman in Malwa. After the defeat, Mihirakula returned to Kashmir where he led a coup on the king. He then conquered of Gandhara where he committed many atrocities on Buddhists and destroyed their shrines. Influence of the Huns faded after Mihirakula's death.[37][38]

After seventh century, significant developments took place in Kashmiri Hinduism. In the centuries that followed, Kashmir produced many poets, philosophers, and artists who contributed to Sanskrit literature and Hindu religion.[39]

Among notable scholars of this period was Vasugupta (c. 875–925 CE) who wrote the Shiva Sutras which laid the foundation for a monistic Shaiva system called Kashmir Shaivism. Dualistic interpretation of Shaiva scripture was defeated by Abhinavagupta (c. 975–1025 CE) who wrote many philosophical works on Kashmir Shaivism.[40] Kashmir Shaivism came to dominate lives of ordinary people in Kashmir and strongly influenced Shaivism in Southern India.[41]

Karkota Empire in the eighth century CE.

In the eighth century, Karkota dynasty established themselves as rulers of Kashmir.[42] Kashmir grew as an imperial power under the Karkotas. Chandrapida of this dynasty was recognized by an imperial order of the Chinese emperor as the king of Kashmir. His successor Lalitaditya Muktapida lead a successful military campaign against the Tibetans. He then defeated Yashovarman of Kanyakubja and subsequently conquered eastern kingdoms of Magadha, Kamarupa, Gauda, and Kalinga. Lalitaditya extended his influence of Malwa and Gujarat and defeated Arabs at Sindh.[43][44] After his demise, Kashmir's influence over other kingdoms declined and the dynasty ended in c. 855–856 CE.[45]

Utpala dynasty founded by Avantivarman followed the Kakrotas. His successor Shankaravarman (885–902 CE) led a successful military campaign against Gurjaras in Punjab.[46][47]

Political instability in the 10th century made the royal body guards (Tantrins) very powerful in Kashmir. Under the Tantrins, civil administration collapsed and chaos reigned in Kashmir till they were defeated by Chakravarman.[48] Queen Didda, who descended from the Hindu Shahis of Kabul on her mother's side, took over as the ruler in second half of the 10th century.[49] After her death in 1003 CE, the throne passed to Lohara dynasty.[50] During the 11th century, Mahmud of Ghazni made two attempts to conquer Kashmir. However, both his campaigns failed because he could not siege the fortress at Lohkot.[51]

Jat Sikh rule

In 1819, the Kashmir valley passed from the control of the Durrani Empire of Afghanistan, and four centuries of Muslim rule under the Mughals and the Afghans, to the conquering armies of the Sikhs under Ranjit Singh of Lahore.[52] As the Kashmiris had suffered under the Afghans, they welcomed the new Sikh rulers.[53] The Sikhs enacted a number of anti-Muslim laws,[54] which included handing out death sentences for cow slaughter,[55] closing down the Jamia Masjid in Srinagar, and banning the azaan, the public Muslim call to prayer.[56]

Earlier, in 1780, after the death of Ranjit Deo, the Raja of Jammu, the kingdom of Jammu (to the south of the Kashmir valley) was also captured by the Sikhs and afterwards, until 1846, became a tributary to the Sikh power.[57] Ranjit Deo's grandnephew, Gulab Singh, subsequently sought service at the court of Ranjit Singh, distinguished himself in later campaigns, especially the annexation of the Kashmir valley, and, for his services, was appointed governor of Jammu in 1820. With the help of his officer, Zorawar Singh, Gulab Singh soon captured for the Sikhs the lands of Ladakh and Baltistan to the east and north-east, respectively, of Jammu.[58]

महाराजा रणजीतसिंह की काश्मीर विजय

ठाकुर देशराज लिखते हैं - कश्मीर जिस तरह से महाराज के हाथ में आया और जितनी बार उनको लड़ाइयां लड़नी पड़ीं, वह सब पाठकों की सहूलियत के लिए एक जगह संग्रह करके रख देना हमने उचित समझा है। जिन दिनों कश्मीर काबुल के आधीन था, उस समय वहां अतामुहम्मद सूबेदार था। अतामुहम्मद ने सन् 1810 ई० में शुजा की मदद करके उसके विरोधी भाई महमूद को हराया था। उसी साल दीवान मुहकचन्द ने भम्बर और राजौरी पर हमला किया। भम्बर के सुल्तान खान ने सामना किया, परन्तु हार गया और 40 हजार रुपया खिराज देना मंजूर किया। दूसरी तरफ महाराज ने कटाल में गंगा का किला जीत लिया था। उन्हें इसी समय समाचार मिला कि शाह महमूद सिंध के पार हो आया है। महाराज खेबड़ा से चलकर रावलपिण्डी पहुंचे। यहां उन्हें पता लगा कि शाह महमूद काश्मीर के सूबेदार अतामुहम्मद को तथा अटक के सूबेदार को सजा देना चाहता है। महाराज ने उसके साथ दोस्ती कर ली और वापस चले आए। यहां पर उन्हें मालूम हुआ कि इस्माइलखां को जिसे मुहकमचन्द भम्बर का इलाका दे आया था, सुल्तानखां ने निकाल दिया है। इसलिए भाई रामसिंह और कुं० खड्गसिंह को सुल्नातखां को ठीक करने को भेजा। सुल्तानखां ने पहली लड़ाई में सिक्खों को हटा दिया, परन्तु जब उसने सुना कि मुहकमचन्द भी फौज लेकर आ रहा है तो वह सन्धि करने पर राजी हो गया और मुहकमचन्द के साथ लाहौर चला आया। यहां महाराज ने उसे कैद कर लिया और उसका इलाका अपने राज्य में मिला लिया। सन् 1812 ई० में इस्माइलखां ने राजौरी के अजीजखां के साथ मिलकर अतामुहम्मद की मदद से बगावत खड़ी कर दी। महाराज ने खुद जाकर इस बगावत को दबाया। इन्हीं दिनों काबुल के अमीर शाहजमाल और शुजा के कुनबे लाहौर में आए। महाराज की ओर से उनका खूब स्वागत-सत्कार हुआ। महाराज की यह भी इच्छा थी कि शुजा लाहौर में रहे क्योंकि काश्मीर के ऊपर उनकी नजर थी। इसी समय उन्हें काश्मीर लेने का मौका भी मिल गया। वजीर फतहखां अतामुहम्मद और उसके भाई जहांदाद (किलेदार अटक) को सजा देने के लिए काश्मीर जा रहा था। उसे यह खयाल आया कि शायद महाराज रणजीतसिंह की फौज काश्मीर के पहाड़ी रास्तों से भली प्रकार परिचित होगी। इसलिए महाराज की फौज के साथ मिलकर यह मुहीम इखत्यार करनी चाहिए। महाराज उसके साथ फौज लेकर चलने के लिए इस शर्त पर तैयार हो गए कि लूट का तीसरा भाग सिखों को दिया जाएगा। बारह हजार फौज मुहकमचन्द के साथ महाराज ने


जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-267


काश्मीर के लिए रवाना की। दोनों फौजें पृथक्-पृथक् रास्तों से काश्मीर पहुंचीं। अतामुहम्मद लड़ाई में न ठहर सका और वजीर ने शाहमहमूद के नाम पर काश्मीर पर अधिकार कर लिया और सिखों को कुछ नहीं दिया। दीवान मुहकमचन्द को खाली हाथ लौटना पड़ा। यह पहला मौका था कि महाराज मुसलमान के धोखे में आ गए और वह इतने चिढ़े कि उसी समय अटक के हाकिम जहांदादखां से लिखा पढ़ी की कि अटक का किला सिखों के हाथ में कर दे। उस बेचारे ने लाचार होकर महाराज के दावे को स्वीकार कर लिया और सिखों को उस किले में घुसा लिया। महाराज ने फकीर अजीजुद्दीन और दीवान देवीदास को अटक का चार्ज संभालने को भेजा। उधर काश्मीर से फतहखां भी वहां का इन्तजाम अपने अजीजखां के सुपुर्द करके अटक आ पहुंचा। लड़ाई की तैयारियां होने लगीं। सुजूर के मुकाम पर घमासान युद्ध हुआ। परन्तु सिखों की मदद के लिए मुहकमचन्द आ पहुंचा था। वजीर और उसका भाई दोस्त-मुहम्मद दोनों बहादुरी के साथ लड़े, परन्तु मुहकमचन्द की बहादुरी से यवनों को हार खानी पड़ी और वह भाग खड़े हुए। पठानों पर सिखों की यह पहली विजय थी। वह शुभ दिन जब कि पठानों पर सिख विजयी हुए थे सन् 1813 की 13 जुलाई था। इस विजय से लाहौर में बड़ी खुशी मनाई गई। लाहौर, अमृतसर, बटाले में रोशनी की गई। दो महीने तक बराबर आमोद-प्रमोद जारी रहे। कुछ समय के बाद महाराज ने सूबा अटक का मुलाहिजा किया और अक्टूबर में पहाड़ी राजाओं से खिराज वसूल करके काश्मीर पर चढ़ाई करने का प्रबन्ध करने लगे। गुजरात के रास्ते से उनकी सेनाएं काश्मीर को चलीं। भम्बर और राजौरी होते हुए ठट्ठा में उनकी सेनाएं पहुंचीं। परन्तु काश्मीरी मुसलमानों ने बहरामगिला के पास का पुल तोड़ दिया था, जिससे उनका आगे बढ़ना रुक जाए। परन्तु राजौरी के सरदार के दूसरा रास्ता बतलाने पर महाराज ने बहराम के किले पर कब्जा कर लिया। आगे बढ़ने का विचार कर रहे थे कि बरसात शुरू हो गई। इस साल बड़े जोरों का पानी पड़ा। इसलिए महाराज ने यही उचित समझा कि बरसात के बीत जाने पर काश्मीर पर हमला किया जाए। इसलिये उस समय वह लाहौर के लिए लौट आए।

सन् 1814 ई० में महाराज ने काश्मीर पर चढ़ाई करने का फिर इरादा किया। स्यालकोट में सब फौज और सरदारों को इकट्ठा किया। इस समय दीवान मुहकमचन्द ने राय दी कि चम्बर और राजौरी में बहुत सा रसद का सामान इकट्ठा कर लिया जाए तब काश्मीर पर चढ़ाई की जाए। परन्तु महाराज ने इस राय पर विशेष ध्यान नहीं दिया।

बीमारी की वजह से दीवान मुहकमचन्द तो लाहौर में ही रह गया। उसकी जगह पर उसका पौत्र रामदयाल जिसकी उम्र 24 साल की थी, जाने को तैयार हुआ। राजौरी के हाकिम अगरखां ने महाराज को पूंछ के गलत रास्ते पर डाल


जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-268


दिया। सेना का एक भाग रामदयाल और दूसरे सरदारों के अधीनस्थ था जिनमें हरीसिंह नलुआ और हरनामसिंह अटारीवाला भी थे, आगे रवाना हुआ। पीर-पंचाल गुजर कर यह फौज महरपुर जा पहुंची। यहां अजीमखां ने सामना किया परन्तु वह हार खाकर पीछे हट गया और अगले मुकाम शौपम में सिक्ख फौज को आगे बढ़ने से रोक दिया। रामदयाल ने श्रीनगर के पास एक गांव में हटकर डेरा डाल दिया और महाराज के आने की बाट जोहने लगा। उधर महाराज की फौज श्रीनगर के बजाय पूंछ जा पहुंची। बरसात का समय भी आ गया और बरसात आरम्भ भी हो गई। ठीक रास्ता न मिलने के कारण महाराज लाहौर को वापस लौट आये। लाहौर लौटकर उन्होंने भाई रामसिंह को कुछ फौज देकर दीवान रामदयाल की सहायता को भेजा। परन्तु वह भी बहराम गले में चक्कर खाता रहा और उसे रास्ता न मिला। रामदयाल ने जान लिया कि उसे बिना महाराज के आये हुए ही लड़ना पड़ेगा। इसलिए वह ऐसी बहादुरी से लड़ा कि उसके सामने दो हजार पठान मारे गए। अजीमखां ने दीवान रामदयाल से सुलह कर ली और महाराज की भेंट के लिए बहुत सा सामान दिया। रामदयाल लाहौर लौट आया। महाराज को दीवान मुहकमचन्द की बात याद आई और अपनी गलती पर पछताने लगे। यदि राजौरी और भम्बर में रसद का सामान इकट्ठा कर लिया जाता तो काश्मीर अब की बार में ही विजय कर लिया जाता। इसी अरसे राजौरी और भम्बर के सरदारों ने भी बगावत खड़ी कर दी। दीवान रामदयाल और दिलसिंह ने उनके इलाके में पहुंच कर बगावत को दबा दिया और कुछ दिन के बाद राजौरी और कोटली को विजय कर लिया और रामगढ़ियों का सारा इलाका भी महाराज ने अपने इलाके में मिला लिया। यह समाचार जब काबुल पहुंचा कि महाराज रणजीतसिंह ने काश्मीर को अपने राज्य में मिलाने के लिए चढ़ाई की है तो वहां से वजीर फतहखां अजीमखां की मदद के लिए चला। उसके सिन्ध पार कर चुकने के बाद महाराज रणजीतसिंह को भी उसके आने की खबर मिल गई। इसलिए उन्होंने दीवान रामदयाल को आज्ञा दी कि वह सरायकाला पर पहुंच करके डेरा डाले रहे और उसका सामना करता रहे।

चार साल के बाद सन् 1818 ई० में काश्मीर के नये सूबेदार जवरखां का वजीर वीरधर नाराज होकर महाराज के पास लाहौर आ पहुंचा और काश्मीर को विजय करने के तमाम तरीके उसने महाराज को बतला दिये। इस बार महाराज ने सेना के तीन भाग किये - एक भाग का सेनापति मिश्र दीवानचन्द्र, दूसरे का कुंवर खड़गसिंह और तीसरे भाग के संचालक खुद महाराज बने। मार्च सन् 1819 ई० में पं० दीवानचन्द ने राजौरी पहुंचकर अपने सैनिकों को हुक्म दिया


जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-269


कि अजीजखां को गिरफ्तार कर लिया जाये। अजीजखां तो भाग गया लेकिन उसके बेटे रहीमउल्लाखां ने राजौरी का राज्य दीवानचन्द के सुपुर्द कर दिया। यहां से आगे दीवानचन्द ने पूंछ पहुंचकर वहां के शासक जबरदस्तखां से अधीनता स्वीकार कराई। पीर पंजाल को पार करके दीवानचन्द ने अपनी सेना के तीन भाग किये। ता० 16 जून को 12 हजार सिख सरायअली में इकट्ठे हो गये। 5 जुलाई को शोपिन के मुकाम पर पठानों और सिखों में एक बड़ी भारी लड़ाई हुई, जिसमें हजारों पठान मारे गए। बचे-खुचे मैदान छोड़कर भाग गए। जबरखां ऐसा घायल हुआ कि उसकी जान मुश्किल से बची। काश्मीर पर महाराज का कब्जा हो गया। सिक्ख चाहते थे कि शहर लूट लिया जाए, परन्तु मिश्र दीवानचन्द ने ऐसा नहीं करने दिया। विजय उत्सव मनाने के लिए महाराज लाहौर को लौट गए। तीन दिन तक लाहौर और अमृतसर में रोशनी की गई और अनेक तरह के दान-पुण्य किए गए। दीवान मुहकमचन्द के बेटे दीवान मोतीराम को काश्मीर का पहला सूबेदार नियुक्त करके काश्मीर भेजा गया और लगान उगाही का 53 लाख में पं० वीरधर को काश्मीर का ठेका दे दिया गया। शाल बनाने का ठेका दस लाख रुपये में जवाहरमल को दिया गया। दूसरे साल मोतीराम बनारस के लिए चले गए तो महाराज ने सरदार हरीसिंह नलुआ को जिसने पिछले साल दुर्बन्धगढ़ को फतह किया था, काश्मीर का सूबेदार नियुक्त किया। साहस और बहादुरी के लिए हरीसिंह बड़ा मशहूर था। उसने अकेले ही घोड़े पर सवार होकर एक बार एक शहर को जीत लिया था। परन्तु प्रबन्ध करने में वह सफल नहीं हुआ, इसलिए महाराज ने फिर दीवान मोतीराम को काश्मीर भेजा और वह सन् 1826 ई० तक काश्मीर रहा। जब दीवान मोतीराम काश्मीर का सूबेदार था, उस समय उसका बेटा जालन्धर के द्वावे पर गवर्नरी करता था और दूसरा बेटा शिवदयाल जिला गुजरात में जागीर का प्रबन्ध करता था। परन्तु राजा ध्यानसिंह जो महाराज के मुंह लगा हुआ था, इन लोगों से इसलिए जलता था कि इनका रुतबा बहुत बढ़ा हुआ था और उसने फलौर को जो मुहकमचन्द की जागीर में था, अपने साले राजारामसिंह को दे दिया। इससे कृपाराम बहुत नाराज हो गया। जब महाराज ने दुर्बन्ध की लड़ाई के लिए उसे बुलाया तो बजाय कुल फौज के सिर्फ 15 सवार लेकर हाजिर हुआ। महाराज उससे बहुत जल गए। उसे कैद कर दिया और मोतीराम को काश्मीर से वापस बुलाकर उस पर 17 हजार जुर्माना कर दिया और भीमसिंह को काश्मीर में उसके स्थान पर भेजा। किन्तु वह अयोग्य साबित हुआ, इसलिए दीवान चुन्नीलाल को उसकी जगह पर नियुक्त किया। वह भी काश्मीर का शासन करने में सफल नहीं हुआ। डेढ़ साल बाद मोतीराम के खानदान पर फिर कृपा की


जाट इतिहास:ठाकुर देशराज, पृष्ठान्त-270


दृष्टि हुई और दीवान कृपाराम को काश्मीर का गवर्नर नियुक्त किया। दीवान कृपाराम बड़ा योग्य और सर्व-प्रिय था।

इसके समय में काश्मीर में बड़ी तरक्की हुई। इसी ने रामबाग की नींव डाली। दीवान कृपाराम के काश्मीर से वापस आने पर वैसाखासिंह को महाराज ने काश्मीर का प्रबन्ध सौंपा था परन्तु वह बड़ा अयोग्य और नालायक साबित हुआ। सन् 1833 ई० में उसकी शिकायतें महाराज के पास पहुंचीं। उसके आगे लोगों पर खूब जुल्म होते थे। सारा इन्तजाम खराब था। शाल की दस्तकारी बरबाद हो रही थी। सौदागरों का दीवाला निकल रहा था। शेरसिंह जो उसकी देखभाल के लिए मुकर्रर था, शराब पीकर के मस्त पड़ा रहता था। महाराज ने उसे पकड़ करके लाहौर मंगा लिया और उस पर 5 लाख जुर्माना किया। जमादार खुशहालसिंह, भाई गुरुमुखसिंह, गुलाममुहीउद्दीन को शेरसिंह की मदद के लिए काश्मीर भेज दिया। परन्तु इन लोगों से कुछ भी अच्छा प्रबन्ध न हो सका, बल्कि इन्होंने लोगों को और भी तंग किया। प्रजा के हजारों लोग अकाल और जुल्मों से तंग आकर लाहौर की ओर भाग आये। लाहौर की गलियों में वह रोटी के लिए चिल्लाते थे। महाराज ने उनके खाने-पीने के लिए मन्दिर व मस्जिदों में सदावर्त खोल दिए, और गुलाम मुहीउद्दीन को वापस बुलाकर उसकी जायदाद जब्त कर ली। खुशहालसिंह को दो माह तक अपने सामने नहीं आने दिया और उनकी जगह पर महाराजसिंह को भेजा। सन् 1834 ई० में जम्बू के राजा गुलाबसिंह को उसके कमाण्डर जोरावरसिंह ने गद्दी से अलग कर दिया और उसके मंत्री को जम्बू का राजा बना दिया। तीस हजार रुपया सालाना खिराज देना महाराज रणजीतसिंह को मंजूर किया। इस प्रकार जम्बू पर भी महाराज का अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से अधिकार हो गया। लद्दाख के अधिकारियों में भी इसी साल आपस में झगड़ा हो जाने के कारण उन्हें भी महाराज की शरण लेनी पड़ी ।

Visit by Xuanzang in 631 AD

Alexander Cunningham[59] writes that In the seventh century, according to the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, the kingdom of Kashmir comprised not only the valley of Kashmir itself, but also the whole of the hilly country between the Indus and the Chenab to the foot of the Salt range in the south. The different states visited by Hwen Thsang were Urasa, to the west of Kashmir ; Taxila and Sinhapura, to the south-


[p.90]: west; and Punach and Rajaori to the south. The other hill-states to the east and south-east are not mentioned; but there is good reason for believing that they also were tributary, and that the dominions of Kashmir in the seventh century extended from the Indus to the Ravi. The petty independent state of Kullu, in the upper valley of the Bias river, was saved by its remoteness and inaccessibility ; and the rich state of Jalandhar, on the lower Bias, was then subject to Harsha Vardhana, the great king of Kanoj. But towards the end of the ninth century the Kangra valley was conquered by Sankara Varmma, and the sovereign power of Kashmir was extended over the whole of the Alpine Panjab from the Indus to the Satlej.[60]

Hwen Thsang describes Kashmir as surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains, which is a correct description of the valley itself ; but when he goes on to say that its circuit is 7000 li, or 1166 miles, he must refer to the extended kingdom of Kashmir, and not to the valley, which is only 300 miles in circuit. But the extent of its political boundary, from the Indus on the north to the Salt range on the south, and from the Indus on the west to the Ravi on the east, cannot be estimated at less than 900 miles, and may very probably have reached the amount stated refer to the extended by the pilgrim.

1. Kashmir

Hwen Thsang entered the valley of Kashmir from the west in September, A.D. 631. At the entrance there was a stone gate, where he was met by the younger brother of the king's mother ; and after


[p.91]: paying his devotions at the sacred monuments, he went to lodge for the night in the monastery of Hu-se-kia-lo, or Hushkara.[61] This place is mentioned by Abu Rihan,[62] who makes Ushkara the same as Baramula, which occupied both sides of the river. In the ' Raja Tarangini[63] also Hushkapura is said to be near Varaha, or Varahamula, which is the Sanskrit form of Baramula. Hushkara or Uskar still exists as a village on the left or eastern bank of the Behat, two miles to the south-east of Baramula. The Kashmiri Brahmans say that this is the Hushkapura of the ' Raja Tarangini,' which was founded by the Turushka king Hushka, about the beginning of the Christian era.

According to the chronology of the ' Raja Tarangini,' the king of Kashmir in A.D. 631 was Pratapaditya ; but the mention of his maternal uncle[64] shows that there must be some error in the native history, as that king's father came to the throne in right of his wife, who had no brother. Pratapaditya's accession must, therefore, have taken place after Hwen Thsang's departure from Kashmir in A.D. 633, which makes an error of three years in the received chronology. But a much greater difference is shown in the reigns of his sons Chandrapida and Muktapida, who applied to the Chinese emperor for aid against the Arabs. [65] The date of the first application is A.D. 713, while, according to the native chronology, Chandrapida reigned from A.D. 680 to 688, which shows an error of not less than twenty-five years. But as the Chinese annals also record that about A.D. 720 the emperor granted the title of king to Chandrapida, he must


[p.92]: have been living as late as the previous year A.D. 719, which makes the error in the Kashmirian chronology amount to exactly thirty-one years. By applying this correction to the dates of his predecessors, the reign of his grandfather, Durlabha, will extend from A.D. 625 to 661. He, therefore, must have been the king who was reigning at the time of Hwen Thsang's arrival in Kashmir in A.D. 631. Durlabha, who was the son-in-law of his predecessor, is said to have been the son of a Naga, or Dragon ; and the dynasty which he founded is called the Naga or Karkota dynasty.

By this appellation I understand that his family was given to ophiolatry, or serpent-worship, which had been the prevailing religion of Kashmir from time immemorial. Hwen Thsang designates this race as Ki-li-to, which Professor Lassen and M. Stanislas Julien render by Kritya and Kritiya. They were extremely hostile to the Buddhists, who had frequently deprived them of power, and abolished their rights ; on which account, says the pilgrim, the king, who was then reigning, had but little faith in Buddha, and cared only for heretics and temples of the Brahmanical gods. This statement is confirmed by the native chronicle, which records that the queen, Ananga-Lekha, built a Vihara, or Buddhist monastery, named after herself, Anangabhavana ; while the king built a temple to Vishnu, called after himself, Durlabha-swamina[66] I infer from this that the queen still adhered to the Buddhist faith of her family, and that the king was, in reality, a Brahmanist, although he may have professed a lukewarm attachment to Buddhism.

The people of Kashmir are described as good looking,


[p.93]: easy and fickle in manner, effeminate and cowardly in disposition, and naturally prone to artifice and deceit. This character they still bear; and to it I may add that they are the dirtiest and most immoral race in India. Hwen Thsang states that the neighbouring kings held the base Kashmiris in such scorn that they refused all alliance with them, and gave them the name of Ki-li-to or Krityas, which would appear to be a term of contempt applied to evil-minded and mischievous persons, as enemies, traitors, assassins, etc. The term which I have heard used is Kir-Mlechchhas, or the " Barbarian Kiras," and "Wilson gives Kira as a name of the valley of Kashmir, and Kirah as the name of the people.

In the seventh century the capital of the country was on the eastern bank of the river, and about 10 li, or less than 2 miles, to the north-west of the ancient capital. Abu Rihan[67] calls the capital Adishtan, which is the Sanskrit Adhisthana, or "chief town." This is the present city of Srinagar, which was built by Raja Pravarasena about the beginning of the sixth century, and was, therefore, a new place at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit. The "old capital" I have already identified with an old site, 2 miles to the south-east of the Takht-i-Suliman, called Pundrethan, which is the corrupt Kashmirian form of Puranadhisthana, or "the old chief city." Pan is the usual Kashmiri term for " old," as in Pan Dras, or "old Dras," to distinguish it from the new village of Dras, which is lower down the river, [68] Near the old capital there


[p.94]:

was a famous stupa, which, in A.D. 631 enshrined a tooth of Buddha; but before Hwen Thsang's return to the Panjab in A.D. 643 the sacred tooth had been given up by the Raja to Harsha Varddhana, the powerful king of Kanoj, who made his demand at the head of an army on the frontier of Kashmir.[69] As Raja Durlabha was a Brahmanist, the sacrifice of the Buddhist tooth was a real gain to his religion.

From the earliest times Kashmir has been divided into the two large districts of Kamraj and Meraj, the former being the northern half of the valley, below the junction of the Sindh river with the Behat River, and the latter the southern half above that junction. The smaller divisions it is unnecessary to mention. But I may note the curious anomaly which a change of religious belief has produced in the use of two of the most distinctive Hindu terms. By the Hindu who worships the sun, the cardinal points are named with reference to the east, as para, the " front," or the " east," to which he turns in his daily morning worship ; apara, "behind," or the "west;" vama, the "left" hand, or the "north;" and dakshim, the "right" hand, or the "south." By the Muhammadan, who turns his face to the west, towards Mecca, these terms are exactly reversed, and dachin, which still means the " right " hand in Kashmiri, is now used to denote the "north," and kawar, or the "left" hand to denote the "south." Thus, on the Lidar river there is the subdivision of Dachinpara to the north of the stream, and Kawarpara to the south of it. On the Behat river also, below Barahmula, the subdivision of Dachin lies to the north, and that of


[p.95]:

Kawar to the south of the stream. This change in the meaning of Dachin from " south " to " north " must have taken place before the time of Akbar, as Abul Fazl[70] describes Dachinpara as " situated at the foot of a mountain, on the side of Great Tibet," that is to the north of the river Lidar.

Principal ancient cities of Kashmir

The principal ancient cities of Kashmir are the old capital of Srinagari, the new capital called Pravarasenapura ; Khagendra-pura and Khunamusha, built before the time of Asoka; Vijipara and Pantasok, which are referred to Asoka himself ; Surapura, a restoration of the ancient Kambuva ; Kanishkapura, Hushkapura, and Jushkapura, named after the three Indo-Scythian Princes by whom they were founded ; Parihasapura, built by Lalitaditya ; Padmapura, named after Padma, the minister of Raja Vrihaspati ; and Avantipura, named after Raja Avanti Varmma.

Srinagari, the old capital of Kashmir prior to the erection of Pravarasenapura, is stated to have been founded by the great Asoka, [71] who reigned from B.C. 263 to 226. It stood on the site of the present Pandrethan, and is said to have extended along the bank of the river from the foot of the Takht-i-Suliman to Pantasok, a distance of more than three miles. The oldest temple in Kashmir, on the top of the Takht-i-Suliman, is identified by the unanimous consent of all the Brahmans of the valley with the temple of Jyeshta Rudra, which was built by Jaloka, the son of Asoka, in Srinagari.[72] This identification is based on the fact that the hill was originally called Jyeshteswara. The old bridge abutments at the village of Pantasok are


[p.96]: also attributed to Asoka ; and the other ruins at the same place are said to be the remains of the two Asokeswara temples which are noted in the native chronicle of Kashmir. Srinagari was still the capital of the valley in the reign of Pravarasena I., towards the end of the fifth century, when the King erected a famous symbol of the god Siva, named after himself Pravareswara. This city still existed in A.D. 631, when the Chinese pilgrim arrived in Kashmir, although it was no longer the capital of the valley. He speaks of the capital of his time as the " new city," and states that the " old city " was situated to the south-east of it, at a distance of ten li, or nearly two miles, and to the south of a high mountain. This account describes the relative positions of Pandrethan and the present capital with the lofty hill of Takht-i-Suliman so exactly, that there can be no hesitation in accepting them as the representatives of the ancient places. The old city was still inhabited between A.D. 913 and 921, when Meru, the minister of Raja Partha, erected in Puranadhisthana, that is in the " old capital," a temple named after himself Meru-Varddhana-swami. This building I have identified with the existing temple of Pandrethan, as Kalhan Pandit relates[73] that, when Raja Abhimanyu set fire to his capital, all the noble buildings "from the temple of Varddhana Swami, as far as Bhikshukiparaka, (or the asylum of mendicants) were destroyed. I attribute the escape of the limestone temple to its fortunate situation in the midst of a tank of water. To this catastrophe I would assign the final desertion of the old capital, as the humble dwellings of the people could not possibly have escaped the destructive


[p.97]: fire which consumed all the " noble edifices " of the city.

Pravarasenapura, or the new capital, was built by Raja Pravarasena II. in the beginning of the sixth century. Its site, as already noted, was that of the present capital of Srinagar. This is determined beyond all possibility of doubt by the very clear and distinct data furnished by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, and by the Hindu historian Kalhan Pandit. The statements of the first have already been quoted in my account of the old capital ; but I may add that Hwen Thsang resided for two whole years in Kashmir, in the Jayendra Vihara[74] or Buddhist monastery, built by Jayendra, the maternal uncle of Pravarasena. The Hindu author describes the city as situated at the confluence of two rivers, and with a hill in the midst of it. This is an exact description of the present Srinagar, in the midst of which stands the hill of Hari Parbat, and through which flows the river Hara, or Ara, to join the Behat at the northern end of the city.[75]

The question now arises, how did the new city of Pravarasenapura lose its own name, and assume that of the old city of Srinagari ? I think that this difficulty may perhaps be explained by the simple fact that the two cities were actually contiguous, and, as they existed together side by side for upwards of five centuries, the old name, as in the case of Delhi, would naturally have remained in common use with the people, in preference to the new name, as the


[p.98]: customary designation of the capital. The old name of Delhi is exactly a case in point. There, new city after new city was built by successive kings, each with the distinctive name of its founder ; but as they

were all in the immediate vicinity of Delhi itself, the old familiar name still clung to the capital, and each new appellation eventually became absorbed in the one general name of "Delhi." In the same way I believe that the old familiar name of Srinagar eventually swamped the name of the new city of Pravarasenapura.

The names of Khagipura and Khunamusha are referred by Kalhan Pandit[76] to Raja Khagendra, who, as the sixth predecessor of Asoka, must have reigned about 400 B.C. Wilson and Troyer have identified these two places with the Kakapur and Gaumoha of Muhammadan writers. The first is certain, as Kakapur still exists on the left bank of the Behat, at 10 miles to

the south of the Takht-i-Suliman, and 5 miles to the south of Pampur. But the identification of Gaumoha, wherever that may be, is undoubtedly wrong, as Khunamusha is now represented by the large village of Khunamoh, which is situated under the hills at 4 miles to the north-east of Pampur.

The old town of Bij Biara, or Vijipara, is situated on both banks of the Behat, at 25 miles to the south-east of the capital. The original name was Vijayapara, so called after the ancient temple of Vijayesa, which still exists, although its floor is 14 feet below the present level of the surrounding ground. This difference of level shows the accumulation of ruins since the date of its foundation. The people refer its erection to Asoka, B.C. 250, who is stated by Kalhan


[p.99]: Pandit[77] to have pulled down the old brick temple of Vijayesa, and to have rebuilt it of stone. This is apparently the same temple that is mentioned in the reign of Arya Raja, some centuries after Christ.[78]

Surapura, the modern Supur or Sopur, is situated on both banks of the Behat, immediately to the west of the Great Wular Lake. It was originally called Kumbuva, and under this name it is mentioned in the chronicles of Kashmir as early as the beginning of the fifth century.[79] It was rebuilt by Sura, the minister of Avanti Varmma, between A.D. 854 and 883, after

whom it was called Surapura. From its favourable position at the outlet of the Wular Lake, I think it probable that it is one of the oldest places in Kashmir.

Kanishkapura was built by the Indo-Scythian prince Kanishka,[80] just before the beginning of the Christian era. In the spoken dialects of India it is called Kanikhpur, which in Kashmir has been still further corrupted to Kampur. It is situated 10 miles to the south of Srinagar, on the high-road leading to the Pir Panchal Pass. It is a small village with a sarai for travellers, and is now generally known as Kampur Sarai. In the large map of Kashmir by Captain Montgomerie the name is erroneously given as Khanpoor.

Hushkapura, which was founded by the Indo-Scythian prince Hushka, or Huvishka, the brother of Kanishka, would appear to have been the same place as the well-known Varahamula, or Barahmula, on the Behat. Abu Rihan[81] calls it " Ushkar, which is the


[p.100]: town of Baramula, built on both banks of the river." It is noted under the same name by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who entered the valley from the west by a stone gate, and halted at the monastery of Hu.se.kia-lo, or Hushkara. The name of Barahmula has now eclipsed the more ancient appellation, which, however, still exists in the village of Uskara, 2 miles to the south-east of the present town, and immediately under the hills. The place has been visited, at my request, by the Rev. G. W. Cowie, who found there a Buddhist stupa still intact. This is probably the same monument that is recorded to have been erected by Raja Lalitaditya[82] between A.D. 723 and 760. It is again mentioned in the native chronicle[83] as the residence of the Queen Sugandha in A.D. 913. From all these notices, it is certain that the town still bore its original name down to the beginning of the eleventh century, when Abu Rihan mentions both names. But after this time the name of Varahamula alone is found in the native chronicles, in which it is mentioned during the reigns of Harsha and Sussala, early in the twelfth century. I think it probable that the main portion of the town of Hushkapura was on the left, or south bank of the river, and that Varahamula was originally a small suburb on the right bank. On the decline of Buddhism, when the monastic establishment at Hushkapura was abandoned, the old town also must have been partially deserted, and most probably it continued to decrease until it was supplanted by the Brahmanical suburb of Varahamula.

Jushkapura was founded by the Indo-Scythian prince


[p.101]: Jushka, a brother of Kanishka and Hushka. The Brahmans of Kashmir identify the place with Zukru, or Zukur, which is still a considerable village, 4 miles to the north of the capital. This is evidently the "Schecroh ville assez considerable," which Troyer and "Wilson[84] have identified with Hushkapura. I visited the place in November, 1847, but the only traces of antiquity that I could discover were a considerable number of stone pillars and mouldings of the style of architecture peculiar to Kashmir, all of which had been trimmed and adapted to Muhammadan tombs and Masjids.

Parihasapura was built by the great Raja Lalitaditya,[85] who reigned from A.D. 723 to 760. It was situated on the right, or eastern bank of the Behat, near the present village of Sumbal. There are still many traces of walls and broken stones on the neighbouring mounds, which show that a city must once have existed on this spot ; but the only considerable remains are a bridge which spans the Behat, and a canal which leads direct towards Supur, to avoid the tedious passage by the river through the Wular Lake. As Parihasapura is not mentioned again in the native chronicle, it must have been neglected very soon after its founder's death. His own grandson, Jayapida, built a new capital named Jayapura, in the midst of a lake, with a citadel, which he named Sri-dwaravati, but which the people always called the " Inner Fort."[86] The position of this place is not known, but I believe that it stood on the left bank of the Behat, immediately opposite to Parihasapura, where a village named Antar-kot, or the " Inner Fort,


[p.102]: exists to this day. The final destruction of this city is attributed by the people to Sangkara Varmma, who reigned from A.D. 883 to 901. He is said to have removed the stones to his own new city of Sangharapura, which still exists as Pathan, 7 miles to the south-west of the Sumbal bridge. The great temple at Parihasa was destroyed by the bigoted Sikandar, who reigned from 1389 to 1413, A.D. Of this temple a curious story is told by the Muhammadan historians. Speaking of Parispur, Abul Fazl[87] says, "here stood a lofty idolatrous temple which was destroyed by Sikandar. In the ruins was found a plate of copper with an inscription in the Indian language purporting that after the expiration of 1100 years the temple would be destroyed by a person named Sikandar." The same story is told by Ferishta,[88] with the addition of the name of the Raja, whom the translator calls Balnat, which is probably a mistake for Laldit, the usual contracted form of Lalitaditya among the Kashmiris. As the difference of time between this prince and Sikandar is barely 700 years, it is strange that the tradition should preserve a date which is so much at variance with the chronology of their own native chronicles.

Padmapura, now called Pampur, was founded by Padma, the minister of Raja Vrihaspati, who reigned from A.D. 832 to 844[89]. It is situated on the right bank of the Behat, 8 miles to the south-east of the capital, and about midway on the road to Avantipura. The place is still well inhabited, and its fields of saffron are the most productive in the whole valley.


[p.103]:

Avantipura was founded by Raja Avanti-Varmma[90] who reigned from A.D. 854 to 883. It is situated on the right bank of the Behat, 17 miles to the south- east of the present capital. There is now only a small village called Wantipur ; but the remains of two magnificent temples, and the traces of walls on all sides, show that it must have been once an extensive city. The name of No-nagar, or the " New Town," which is now attached to the high tract of alluvial table-land on the opposite side of the river, is universally allowed by the people to refer to Avantipura itself, which is said to have occupied both banks of the river originally.

Jats in Jammu and Kashmir

Main article: Jats in Jammu and Kashmir

Very interesting information about Jats in J&K provided by Amit Pal Singh Smotra:

The Jats in J&K are originally from Mirpur/Bhimber (Pakistan occupied Kashmir) who migrated in 1947 to Jammu, though there were a few Jat settlements in Jammu before 1947 as well. In Jammu they are called Choudharys.

The Jats in Jammu are Punjabi speaking, and are (therefore) called Jatt. Linguistically and culturally they are very similar to Jatt Sikhs of Punjab. Majority of Jatts are in Jammu are Hindus (70%) and the remaining Sikhs. The Hindu and Sikh Jatts in J&K inter-marry

Martyrs of Kargil war from Jammu-Kashmir

Name (Rank) Village (District) Date of Martyrdom Unit
Madal Lal (Havaldar) - Vir Chakra Ban Talab (बन तलब) (Jammu) 5 July 1999 Unit - 18 Grenadiers
Bahadur Singh (Subedar) - Vir Chakra Digiana ( डिगियाना) (Jammu) 11 June 1999 Unit - 12 JAK Light Infantry
Gurdeep Singh (Sepoy) Shekhupura Palota (शेखूपुरा पलोता) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Ravail Singh (Naik Subedar) Makhanpura (मखनपुरा) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Kulvir Singh (Havaldar) Kaulpur (कौलपुर) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Devendra Singh (Lans Naik) Kotli Shahdaula (कोटली शाहदौला) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Gurdip Singh (Sepoy) Kanara Nautiyal (कनारा नौटियाल) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Balvinder Singh (Sepoy) Kotli Arjun Singh (कोटली अर्जुन सिंह) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Hardip Singh (Sepoy) Rajpur Kamila (राजपुर कमिला) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Janvir Singh (Sepoy) Kirpind (कीरपिण्ड) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment
Lakhvinder Singh (Sepoy) Sarthi (सारथी) (Jammu) -- Unit - 8 Sikh Regiment

Source - Jat Samaj, Agra, September-October 1999


Jat MLAs

  • Sukhnandan Chaudhary : BJP MLA from Marh Seat

See also

External links

References

  1. "Department of Tourism, Jammu and Kashmir"
  2. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.507
  3. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p. 62
  4. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.239
  5. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.89
  6. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.62
  7. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.497
  8. V. S. Agrawala: India as Known to Panini, 1953, p.498
  9. Encyclopædia Britannica (1911) Kashmir
  10. Houtsma, Martijn Theodoor (1993), E.J. Brill's First Encyclopedia of Islam, 1913–1936, BRILL, ISBN 978-90-04-09790-2,p. 792.
  11. MBH 7.4.5.
  12. MBH 7/91/39-40.
  13. Mahabharata 7.4.5
  14. Political History of Ancient India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the ..., 1953, p 150, Dr H. C. Raychaudhuri – India; Ethnic Settlements in Ancient India: (a Study on the Puranic Lists of the ..., 1955, p 78, Dr S. B. Chaudhuri; An Analytical Study of Four Nikāyas, 1971, p 311, D. K.Barua – Tipiṭaka.
  15. Bhandarkar, R. G. (2001). Asoka. p. 31.
  16. Pillai, Madhavan Arjunan (1988). Ancient Indian History. p. 149.
  17. Awasthi, A. B. L. (1992). Purana Index. p. 79.
  18. Misra, Shivenandan (1976). Ancient Indian Republics: From the Earliest Times to the 6th century A.D. p. 92.
  19. Watters. Yuan Chawang. Vol I. p. 284.
  20. Ratanlal Joshi. "Kashmir: The Fountainhead of Indian Culture". Official webpage of the Kashmiri Overseas Association.
  21. Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark; Heuston, Kimberly Burton (2005), The Ancient South Asian World, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-522243-2,p.28
  22. Singh, Upinder (2008), A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson Education India, ISBN 978-81-317-1120-0,p.13
  23. Sreedharan, E. (2004), A Textbook of Historiography: 500 BC to AD 2000, Orient Blackswan, ISBN 978-81-250-2657-0, p. 330.
  24. Sharma, Tej Ram (2005), Historiography: A History of Historical Writing, Concept Publishing Company, ISBN 978-81-8069-155-3, p. 74.
  25. Singh, Upinder (2008), A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson Education India, ISBN 978-81-317-1120-0,p.13
  26. Sharma 2005, p. 75.
  27. Sharma 2005, p. 37.
  28. Hasan, Mohibbul (1983), Historians of medieval India, Meenakshi Prakashan, OCLC 12924924,p.47
  29. Heckel, Waldemar (2003), The Wars of Alexander the Great 336–323 BC, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 978-0-203-49959-7,p.48
  30. Green, Peter (1970), Alexander of Macedon: 356-323 B.c. : a Historical Biography, University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-07166-7, p. 403.
  31. Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta (1988), Age of the Nandas And Mauryas, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., ISBN 978-81-208-0466-1,p. 219.
  32. Chatterjee, Suhas (1998), Indian Civilization And Culture, M.D. Publications, ISBN 978-81-7533-083-2, p. 199.
  33. Bamzai, P. N. K (1994), Culture And Political History of Kashmir ( 3 Vols. Set), M.D. Publications, ISBN 978-81-85880-31-0, pp. 83–4.
  34. Pal, Pratapaditya (1989), Indian Sculpture: 700–1800, University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-06477-5, p. 51.
  35. Singh, Upinder (2008), A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson Education India, ISBN 978-81-317-1120-0, pp. 522–3.
  36. Singh 2008, p. 480.
  37. Grousset, René (1970), The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia, Rutgers University Press, ISBN 978-0-8135-1304-1,p.71
  38. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-81-208-1540-7, pp. 142–3.
  39. Pal 1989, p. 52.
  40. Flood, Gavin D. (1996), An Introduction to Hinduism, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-43878-0, pp. 166–7.
  41. Flood 2008, p. 213.
  42. Singh 2008, p. 571.
  43. Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra (1977), Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., ISBN 978-81-208-0436-4, pp. 260–3.
  44. Wink, André (1991), Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World, BRILL, ISBN 978-90-04-09509-0, Wink, André (1991), Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World, BRILL, ISBN 978-90-04-09509-0
  45. Singh 2008, p. 571.
  46. Majumdar 1977, p. 356.
  47. Singh 2008, p. 571.
  48. Majumdar 1977, p. 357.
  49. Singh 2008, p. 571.
  50. Khan, Iqtidar Alam (2008), Historical Dictionary of Medieval India, Scarecrow Press, ISBN 978-0-8108-5503-8,p.58
  51. Frye, R. N. (1975), The Cambridge History of Iran, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-20093-6, p. 178.
  52. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (Volume 15), pp. 94–95.
  53. Schofield, Victoria (2010), Kashmir in conflict: India, Pakistan and the unending war, I. B. Tauris., ISBN 978-1-84885-105-4,pp.5-6
  54. Zutshi, Chitralekha (2003), Language of belonging: Islam, regional identity, and the making of Kashmir, Oxford University Press/Permanent Black, ISBN 978-0-19-521939-5, pp. 39–41
  55. Schofield 2010, pp. 5–6.
  56. Zutshi 2003, pp. 39–41.
  57. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (Volume 15), pp. 94–95.
  58. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (Volume 15), pp. 94–95.
  59. The Ancient Geography of India/Kingdom of Kashmir, pp. 89-103
  60. ' Raja Tarangini,' v. 144.
  61. ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 90.
  62. Reinaud, ' Fragments Arabes,' p. 116.
  63. B. vii. 1310 and 1313.
  64. 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 90.
  65. Remusat, ' Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques,' i. 197.
  66. ' Raja Tarangini,' iv. 3 and 5.
  67. Reinaud, ' Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 116.
  68. t Wilson altered this spelling to Payin Dras, which in Persian signifies " Lower Dras," in spite of the fact that Pan Dras is higher up the river.
  69. Compare 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 180 with i. 251.
  70. 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 130.
  71. 'Kaja Tarangini,' i. 104.
  72. ' Raja Tarangini,' i. 124.
  73. See my ' Temples of Kashmir,' p. 41; and ' Raja Tarangini.'.vi. 191.
  74. ' Hiouen Thsang,' i. 96.
  75. 'Moorcroft's Travels,' ii. 276. I speak also from personal knowledge, as I have twice visited Kashmir.
  76. 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 90.
  77. 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 105.
  78. Ibid., ii. 123.
  79. Ibid., iii. 227.
  80. Ibid., i. 168.
  81. Reinaud, 'Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 116.
  82. ' Raja Tarangini,' iv. 188.
  83. Ibid., v. 258.
  84. 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 370; Asiat. Res. xv. 23.
  85. ' Raja Tarangini,' iv. 194
  86. Ibid., iv. 505, 510.
  87. ' Ayin Akbari," ii. 135.
  88. Briggs's ' Ferishta,' iv. 465.
  89. ' Raja Tarangini,' iv. 69-1.
  90. 'Raja Tarangini,' v. 44.